TAIWAN INDEPENDENCE
Excerpts from Wikipedia.org
Taiwan independence (臺灣獨立運動) is a political movement whose goal is primarily to create an independent and sovereign Republic of Taiwan out of the lands currently administered by the Republic of China (ROC) and claimed by the People's Republic of China 
.
This movement is supported by the Pan-Green Coalition in Taiwan and opposed by the Pan-Blue Coalition 
which supports unification with mainland China at some point. Due to the People's Republic of China's (PRC) claim of sovereignty over Taiwan and repeated threats made by the PRC , it is believed that a formal declaration of independence could lead to a military confrontation between the Taiwan's armed forces and the People's Liberation Army which might escalate and involve other countries such as the United States and Japan.
De facto, Taiwan has been controlled by the Republic of China since 1945. The Republic of China has only controlled Taiwan and several small islands since 1949, when mainland China was brought completely under control by the People's Republic . Whether this control by the Republic of China makes Taiwan already independent or not is disputed.
History of the Movement
The modern-day political movement for Taiwan independence dates back to the Japanese colonial period but only became a viable political force within Taiwan in the 1990s. Taiwanese independence was advocated periodically during the Japanese colonial period, but was suppressed by the Japanese government. With the end of World War II in 1945, Japanese rule ended, but the subsequent autocratic rule of the Republic of China's Kuomingtang (KMT) later revived calls for local rule.
During the martial law era lasting until 1987, discussion of Taiwan independence was forbidden in Taiwan, at a time when recovery of the mainland and national unification were the stated goals of the ROC . During that time, many advocates of independence and other dissidents fled overseas, and carried out their advocacy work there, notably in Japan and the United States. Part of their work involved setting up think tanks, political organizations, and lobbying networks in order to influence the politics of their host countries, notably the United States, the Republic of China's main ally at the time, though they would not be very successful until much later.
Within Taiwan, the independence movement was one of many dissident causes among the intensifying democracy movement of the 1970s, which culminated in the 1979 Kaohsiung Incident. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) was eventually formed to represent dissident causes.
After the lifting of martial law in 1987, and the acceptance of multiparty politics, the DPP became increasingly identified with Taiwan independence, which entered its party platform in 1991. At the same time, many overseas independence advocates and organizations returned to Taiwan and for the first time openly promoted their cause in Taiwan, gradually building up political support. By the late 1990s, DPP and Taiwan independence have gained a solid electoral constituency in Taiwan, supported by an increasingly vocal and hardcore base.
As the electoral success of the DPP, and later, the DPP-led pan-green coalition grew in recent years, the Taiwan independence movement shifted focus to identity politics. Historical events such as the 228 incident, the use of broadcast language and mother tongue education in schools, the official name and flag of the ROC, slogans in the army, orientation of maps all have been issues of concern to the present-day Taiwan independence movement. With the cross-straits political process stalled, this is likely to be the focus of the movement for the foreseeable future.
History of the Taiwan Independence Movement
Many supporters of independence for Taiwan view the history of Taiwan since the 1600s as a continuous struggle for independence and use it as an inspiration for the current political movement. According to this view, the people indigenous to Taiwan and those who have taken up residence there have been repeatedly occupied by groups including the Dutch, the Spanish, the Ming, Koxinga and the Ming loyalists, the Qing, the Japanese and finally the Chinese Nationalists led by the Kuomintang . From a pro-independence supporter's point of view, the movement for Taiwan independence began under Manchu rule in the 1680s which led to a well known saying those days, "Every three years an uprising, every five years a rebellion". Taiwan Independence supporters compared Taiwan under Kuomintang rule to South Africa under the rule of Whites. The Taiwan independence movement under Japan was ironically supported by Mao Zedong in the 1930s as a means of freeing Taiwan from Japanese rule. With the end of World War II in 1945, by issuing "Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers General Order № 1" the Allies agreed that the Republic of China Army under the Kuomintang would "temporarily occupy Taiwan, on behalf of the Allied forces."
After the Kuomintang began to rule the island, the focus of the movement was as a vehicle for discontent from the native Taiwanese against the rule of "mainlanders" (i.e. mainland China-born people who fled to Taiwan with KMT in the late 1940s). The 228 incident in 1947 and the ensuing martial law policies which lasted until 1987 contributed to a so-called sense of White Terror on the island. In 1979, the Kaohsiung Incident, occurred as the movement for democracy and independence intensified. Between 1949 and 1991, the official position of the ROC government on Taiwan was that it was the legitimate government of all of China and it used this position as justification for authoritarian measures such as the refusal to vacate the seats held by delegates elected on the mainland in 1947 for the Legislative Yuan. The Taiwan independence movement intensified in response to this and presented an alternative vision of a sovereign and independent Republic of Taiwan. This vision was represented through a number of symbols such as the use of Taiwanese in opposition to the school taught Mandarin Chinese. Taiwan independence has been some of the motivation behind the Taiwanese localization movement.
Support and Opposition
The questions of independence and the island's relationship to China are complex and inspire very strong emotions among Taiwanese people. There are some who continue to maintain the KMT position that the Republic of China is the sole legitimate government for all of China (including Taiwan) and that the aim of the government should be eventual reunification of the mainland and Taiwan under the rule of the ROC. Some say Taiwan has been, and should continue to be, completely independent from China and should operate as a sovereign nation. Then, there are numerous positions running the entire spectrum between these two extremes.
The official position of the People's Republic of China is that Taiwan is a province of China, and has "always" been part of China. The PRC has repeatedly threatened to invade if Taiwan ever declares formal independence, and has sought to intimidate voters in Taiwan through activities such as test-firing missiles across Taiwan's northern coast when elections are due (notably just before the 1996 elections) and when subjects such as constitutional reform are being discussed. The PRC often claims independence is wanted by only a small group, and that this group is trying to brainwash the local population to support this objective. In the 2000 White Paper, the Chinese government stated that the people of Taiwan do not have the right to determine their own fate by declaring independence through a referendum or otherwise because "The sovereignty over Taiwan belongs to all the Chinese people including Taiwan compatriots, and not to some of the people in Taiwan." The paper further stated that unification with mainland China is the only option.
In Taiwan itself, the situation is much more complicated, and China's actions have often added to that complexity. Support has grown for the cause of total separation from China - but this does not always translate into support for formal independence, which still represents a minority within which there are factions advocating several different, often incompatible approaches.
The Pan-Blue Coalition and the People's Republic of China believe that Lee Teng-hui and Chen Shui-bian are intent on publicly promoting a moderate form of Taiwan independence in order to advance secretly deeper forms of Taiwan independence, and that they intend to use popular support on Taiwan for political separation to advance notions of cultural and economic separation
Most Taiwanese of all political parties support the status quo, and recognize that this is de facto independence through sovereign self-rule. Even among those who believe Taiwan is and should remain independent, the threat of war from China softens their approach, and they tend to support maintaining the status quo rather than pursuing an idealogical path that could result in war with the PRC . When the two-states policy was put forward by President Lee Teng-hui, he received 80 percent support. A similar situation arose when President Chen Shui-bian declared that there was "one country on each side" of the Taiwan Strait. The parties disagree, sometimes bitterly, on such things as territory, name (R.O.C. or Taiwan), future policies, and interpretations of history.
Beijing's military actions in 1996 failed to influence the outcome of the elections, and other actions such as the creation of the Anti-Secession Law that claimed China had the right to use military force against Taiwan increased the view among ordinary Taiwanese that China is a hostile, enemy nation.
At the same time, efforts to change names of official buildings, government organizations, tributary monuments by replacing "China" with "Taiwan" have met with opposition - whether this is due to a political view that Taiwan is part of China or out of concern that such actions may provoke violence from Beijing is unclear.
The complexity of this situation was demonstrated when on October 25, 2004, in Beijing, the U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell said Taiwan is "not sovereign", provoking strong comments from both the pan-Green and pan-Blue coalitions - but for very different reasons. From the DPP's side, President Chen declared that "Taiwan is definitely a sovereign, independent country, a great country that absolutely does not belong to the People's Republic of China". The TSU, in addition to mocking Powell, questioned why the US sold weapons to Taiwan if it was not a sovereign state. From the KMT , Chairman Ma Ying-jeou announced that "the Republic of China has been a sovereign state ever since it was formed [in 1912]". The pro-unification New Party Chairman, James Soong, called it "Taiwan's biggest failure in diplomacy".
Some have claimed the independence movement is associated with the far-right, and that it is supported by the far-right politicians of Japan and the United States. It is also thought that if formal independence were declared, Taiwan's foreign policies would lean further towards Japan and the United States. However, within the Taiwanese political spectrum, the right wing is considered to consist of staunch supporters of Chinese reunification (in the mold of Chiang Kai-shek) while the DPP is considered left leaning and the TSU bills itself as the centrist alternative to the DPP.
Significance
Domestically, the issue of independence has dominated Taiwanese politics for the past few decades. This is also a grave issue for mainland China.
Internationally, this movement is significant in that a formal declaration of independence is one of the five conditions the PRC has stated or implied under which it will take military action against Taiwan to force reunification — the other four being that Taiwan makes a military alliance with a foreign power, there is internal turmoil in Taiwan, Taiwan gains weapons of mass destruction, or Taiwan refuses to negotiate on the basis of "one China". (Recently, the PRC government warned that if the situation in Taiwan becomes "worse" it will not look on "indifferently." Given the terms of the Taiwan Relations Act, this raises the possibility of a superpower conflict in East Asia.) The United States would likely be obligated to come to the aid of Taiwan under the terms of the Act according to US domestic law. However, this interpretation of the Act is disputed. Constitutional law requires that a normal declaration of war be sought by the President of the United States in an act of Congress signed by the President.
Formal Taiwan independence has also been described as one of the three possible situations in which another Sino-Japanese war could be triggered. Japan has speculated that in the event of Taiwanese independence, the PRC would launch a pre-emptive strike against Japan to prevent U.S. troops stationed there from reinforcing Taiwan. (The other two scenarios are: armed struggle for the resources in the Pacific and a PRC attack to regain the disputed islands between the two states.) There is, however, currently no evidence to substantiate the theory that the PRC would launch a pre-emptive strike against Japan, in the event that hostilities break out across the Taiwan Strait.
Different Interpretations
There are basically three major views of Taiwanese independence. The first view, put forward by the government of the People's Republic of China , defines Taiwan independence as "splitting Taiwan from China, causing division of the nation and the people." What China claims by this statement is somewhat ambiguous according to supporters of Taiwanese independence, as some statements by the People's Republic of China (PRC) seem to identify China solely and uncompromisingly with the PRC , and others indicate a broader and more flexible definition suggesting a cultural and geographic entity in which both mainland China and Taiwan are part but divided politically due to the Chinese Civil War. The PRC considers itself the sole legitimate government of all China, and the Republic of China to be a defunct entity replaced in the Communist revolution in 1949. Therefore, assertions that the ROC is a sovereign state are construed as support for Taiwan independence while proposals to change the name of the ROC to Taiwan are paradoxically met with even more disapproval since this would be the equivalent of formally dropping the notion that Taiwan is part of the greater China entity (as a side of an unresolved Chinese civil war). Before the passing of UN resolution 2758 in 1971, the ROC was recognized as the legal government of China by the UN. Afterwards, the PRC became recognized as the legal government of China by the UN.
A second view is that Taiwan is already an independent nation with the official name Republic of China, which has been independent (i.e. de facto separate from China) since the end of the Chinese Civil War in 1949, when the ROC lost China, with only Taiwan (including the Pescadores/Penghu Islands), Quemoy/Kinmen, the Matsu Islands off the coast of Fujian Province, and some of the islands in the South China Sea remaining under its administration. Although previously no major political faction adopted this pro-status quo viewpoint, because it is a "compromise" in face of Chinese threats and American warnings against a unilateral declaration of independence, the DPP combined it with their traditional belief to form their latest official policy. This viewpoint has not been adopted by more radical groups such as the Taiwan Solidarity Union, which favor only the second view and are in favor of a Republic or State of Taiwan. In addition, many members of the pan-blue coalition are rather suspicious of this view, fearing that adopting this definition of Taiwan independence is merely an insincere stealth tactical effort to advance desinicization and the second view of Taiwan independence. As a result, supporters of pan-blue tend to make a clear distinction between Taiwan independence and Taiwan sovereignty, while supporters of pan-green tend to try to blur the distinction between the two.
The third view considers the move for Taiwan independence as a nationalist movement. This is the opinion, historically, put forward by such pro-independence groups on Taiwan as the tang wai movement (which later grew into the Democratic Progressive Party), which argue that the ROC under the Kuomintang has been in the past a "foreign regime" forcibly imposed on Taiwan. Since the 1990s, supporters of Taiwan independence no longer actively make this argument. Instead, the argument has been that in order to survive against the growing power of the PRC , Taiwan must view itself as a separate and distinct entity from "China". This involves removing the name of China from official and unofficial items in Taiwan, making changes in history books to focus mainly on Taiwan as a central entity, promoting the use of Taiwanese, reducing economic links with mainland China, and in general thinking of Taiwan as a separate entity. In this view, China is a foreign entity, and the goal of this movement is to create an internationally recognized country which is separate from any concept of China. Kinmen and Matsu off the coast of Fujian and some of the islands in the South China Sea, which are historically not part of Taiwan, are to be excluded from the proposed state of Taiwan. Some supporters of Taiwan independence argue that the Treaty of San Francisco justifies Taiwan independence by not explicitly granting Taiwan to either the Republic of China or the People's Republic of China . This legal justification is rejected by both the PRC and ROC governments.
Recent Years
In more recent years, with the existence of democratic and direct elections, the focus of the movement has changed to that of insuring the independence and dignity of Taiwan against the possibility of rule by the People's Republic of China , and as such has been more willing to take on the symbols of the Republic of China. The movement, at its peak in the 70s through the 90s in the form of the Taiwan literature movement and other cultural upheavals, has moderated in recent years with the assimilation of these changes. Friction between "mainlander" and "native" communities on Taiwan has decreased due to shared interests: increasing economic ties with mainland China, continuing threats by the People's Republic of China to invade, and doubts as to whether or not the United States would support a unilateral declaration of independence. Since the late 1990s many supporters of Taiwan independence have argued that Taiwan, as the ROC, is already independent from the mainland, making a formal declaration unnecessary. In May 1999, the Democratic Progressive Party formalized this position in its "Resolution on Taiwan's Future".
During Chinese President Hu Jintao's visit to the United States on 20 April 2006, US President George W. Bush reaffirmed to the world that the U.S. would uphold its "one China" policy
Resolution on Taiwan's Future
The Resolution on Taiwan's Future (台灣前途決議文) is a document ratified by the Democratic Progressive Party during its eighth annual national assembly on May 7-8, 1999 in the southern port-city of Kaohsiung. It signifies a milestone of the position of DPP toward Taiwan's future, and is the source of principles of the ROC government under the rule of DPP. Proclamation:
- Taiwan is a sovereign and independent country. Any change in the independent status quo must be decided by all the residence of Taiwan by means of plebiscite.
- Taiwan is not a part of the People's Republic of China . China's unilateral advocacy of the "One China Principle" and "One Country Two Systems" is fundamentally inappropriate for Taiwan.
- Taiwan should expand its role in the international community, seek international recognition, and pursue the goal of entry into the United Nations and other international organizations.
- Taiwan should renounce the "One China" position to avoid international confusion and to prevent the position's use by China as a pretext for annexation by force.
- Taiwan should promptly complete the task of incorporating plebiscite into law in order to realize the people's rights. In time of need, it can be relied on to establish consensus of purpose, and allow the people to express their will.
- Taiwan's government and opposition forces must establish bi-partisan consensus on foreign policy, integrating limited resources, to face China's aggression and ambition.
- Taiwan and China should engage in comprehensive dialogue to seek mutual understanding and economic cooperation. Both sides should build a framework for long-term stability and peace.
Current Status
"Taiwan independence" has been lately focused on what kind of political move can be seen as declaration of independence (and interpreted by China as a violation of the Anti-Secession Law).
In February 2007, President Chen Shui-bian initiated the change of names of state-owned enterprises, nation's embassies and overseas representative offices. As a result Chunghwa Post Co (中華郵政) has been renamed Taiwan Post Co (臺灣郵政), Chinese Petroleum Corporation (中國石油) is now called CPC Corporation, Taiwan (臺灣中油) and the signs in Taiwan's embassies now display the word "Taiwan" under "Republic of China". In 2007, the recently renamed Taiwan Post Co. issued stamps bearing the name "Taiwan" in remembrance of the 228 Incident.
The pan-blue camp voiced its opposition to the changes and the former KMT Chairman Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) said that it would generate diplomatic troubles and cause cross-strait tensions. Later, US Department of State spokesman Sean McCormack said that the US does not support administrative steps that would appear to change Taiwan's status or move toward independence.
Former president Lee Teng-hui has stated that it is unnecessary to pursue Taiwanese independence. Lee views Taiwan as already an independent state, and that the call for "Taiwanese independence" could even confuse the international community by implying that Taiwan once viewed itself as part of China. Taiwan is independent, even if it remains unable to enter the UN. Lee said the most important goals are to improve the people's livelihoods, build national consciousness, make a formal name change and draft a new constitution that reflects the present reality so that Taiwan can officially identify itself as country.
Republic of Taiwan
The Republic of Taiwan (臺灣共和國) is a goal of supporters of Taiwan independence in creating a Taiwanese state unambiguously separated from China, covering (at most) the areas currently controlled by the Republic of China (Taiwan) (i.e., Taiwan, Penghu, Quemoy and Matsu Islands). In this sense, sometimes the State of Taiwan (臺灣國) is used to avoid prejudging a republican polity.
In the 1950s a Republic of Taiwan Provisional Government was set up in Japan. Liao Wen-yih was nominally the President. At one time it held quasi-official relations with the newly independent Indonesia. This was possible mainly through the connections between Sukarno and the Provisional Government's Southeast Asian liaison, Chen Chih-hsiung, who had assisted in Indonesia's local resistance movements against the Japanese occupation.
Since then several scholars have drafted various versions of a constitution, as both political statement or vision and as intellectual exercise. Most of these drafts favor a bicameral parliamentary rather than presidential system. In at least one such draft, seats in the upper house would be divided equally among Taiwan's established ethnicities. In the 1980s the Chinese Nationalist government considered publication of these ideas criminal. In the most dramatic case, it decided to arrest the pro-independence publisher Cheng Nan-jung for publishing a version in his Tang-wai magazine, Liberty Era Weekly (自由時代週刊). Rather than giving himself up, Cheng self-immolated in protest.
Other campaigns and tactics toward such a State have included soliciting designs from the public for a new national flag (see image) and anthem (for example, Taiwan the Formosa). More recently the Taiwan Name Rectification Campaign (台灣正名運動) has played an active role. More traditional independentists, however, have criticized name rectification as merely a superficial tactic devoid of the larger vision inherent in the Republic of Taiwan agenda.
Initially, the Taiwanese Independence movement began as an attempt to overthrow the Republic of China government and replace it with a native Republic of Taiwan government. This was because the ruling party of ROC, the Kuomintang , was at first consisted essentially of mainland Chinese who fled to Taiwan at the end of the civil war in 1949. However, as economic successes overshadowed political concerns, and with the mainland Chinese gradually blending with the Taiwanese locals, the general population became more and more receptive towards the "alien" government. The impressively rapid process of democratization in the late 1980s and early 1990s by and large ended as the Taiwanese localization movement.
While democracy developed within Taiwan, abroad the situation had turned against the Republic of China government . Following its repulsion from the United Nations and severing of diplomatic relationships with the United States, Taiwan became increasingly isolated. In response to this situation, a modern movement for a Republic of Taiwan evolved from the original independence movement. The new movement claims that the current situation of Taiwan being ruled by a government officially named the Republic of China creates confusion internationally with China, and is the principal obstacle in preventing Taiwan from becoming a normal nation, in the sense of participating in international organizations such as the United Nations. Taiwan had been forced to participate in international affairs under such names as "Chinese Taipei" and the "Separate Customs Territory of Taiwan, Penghu, Kimmen, and Matsu". Curiously, South Africa once referred to Taiwan as the "Republic of Taiwan" when Lee Teng-hui visited there as the President of the Republic of China (Taiwan); other similar slips of the tongue (Controversies section) have occurred with respect to Taiwan (Freudian slip).
Opponents of a Republic of Taiwan claim that rejecting the name Republic of China would almost certainly trigger a war with the People's Republic of China and it is un-necessary since Republic of China (Taiwan) is already one independent nation. Independence advocates counter this in saying that unless international support is achieved Taiwan can never be truly safe from an increasingly militant mainland China, and that foreign powers are hardly likely to pledge support if Taiwan itself does not demonstrate a resolve.
The creation of the Republic of Taiwan is formally the goal of the Taiwan Solidarity Union and former President Lee Teng-hui. Although the ruling Democratic Progressive Party was originally also an advocate for both the idea of the Republic of Taiwan and Taiwan independence, as it took power the DPP has tried taking a middle line in which a sovereign, independent Taiwan is identified with the Republic of China (Taiwan) and its symbols. The Pan-Blue Coalition tends to oppose the idea of a Republic of Taiwan and Taiwan independence, but most support a sovereign Republic of China which is currently separate from the People's Republic of China.
While many believe the formal declaration of a Republic of Taiwan would likely trigger a military response from the People's Republic of China , some among the independentists believe such a response would be ineffective with or without subsequent involvement by the United States.
New Name, New Flag, New Anthem Campaign
In 1996, a "New Name, New Flag, New Anthem" campaign was launched to rename the Republic of China, replace the flag of the Republic of China, and the National Anthem of the Republic of China, all of which were brought to Taiwan when the Kuomintang government retreated to the island in 1949.
Several proposals for a flag of Taiwan have been initiated by supporters of Taiwan independence to replace the flag of the Republic of China as the national flag flown over Taiwan. Supporters of Taiwan independence object to the use of the flag of the Republic of China 
since it was designed by and closely associated with the Kuomintang . However, no single flag has been established as the symbol of the independence movement, and more moderate supporters of Taiwan independence, such as the Democratic Progressive Party, have accepted the flag of the Republic of China for the time being and have not pushed for a new flag.
After a contest in which 187 different flags were entered, the "hearts-in-harmony flag" emerged as the winner. The green field was to symbolize the natural beauty of the island and the need to protect the environment; the white in the Canadian pale was to symbolize the purity of the people on the island and the desire to preserve the natural beauty; and the device in the centre was to symbolize four hearts in harmony, representing the four population groups on the island: aborigines, Hakka, Hoklo, and mainlanders.
Hearts-in-Harmony Flag
More recently, the 908 Taiwan Republic Campaign raised its version of the proposed flag of Taiwan in front of the Presidential Building in front of a crowd of about 500 (mostly Taiwan Solidarity Union supporters) on September 8, 2005—a date it proclaimed "Taiwan's Independence Day" to mark the anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of San Francisco in 1952 in which Japan relinquished its claim to Taiwan. This flag, which had been featured in smaller rallies elsewhere in Taiwan, featured three vertical stripes in blue, white, and green and a red circle in the middle along with the characters "State of Taiwan" (台灣國). The flag was meant to symbolize history of Taiwan: the red circle to represent Japan, the blue to represent the KMT, and green to represent the DPP. That flag was unique in that other flag designs struck out the color blue altogether.
908 Taiwan Republic Campaign Flag
Taiwan the Formosa (sometimes Taiwan the Green; 台灣翠青) is a poem written (conceived in 1977; finalized in 1993) by Taiwanese poet and clergyman Tīⁿ Jî-gio̍k (John Jyi-giokk Ti'n, Er-Yu Cheng), set to music between 1988 and 1993 by neo-Romantic Taiwanese composer Tyzen Hsiao. The text represents an early example of the popular verse that emerged from the Taiwanese literature movement in the 1970s and 80s. In 1994 Hsiao used this hymn to conclude his 1947 Overture for soprano, choir and orchestra.
'Taiwan the Formosa' has been popular with pro-democracy activists and has been adopted by the Taiwan independence movement as a proposed national anthem for a future Republic of Taiwan. The first stanza is secular. The second has overt Christian references in keeping with the poet's vocation as a minister in the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan. The second verse is intended only for performance in church settings or similarly appropriate environments.
Taiwan the Formosa
(台灣翠青)
Taiwan the Green
By Pacific’s western shore,
Beauteous isle, our green Taiwan.
Once suffered under alien rule,
Free at last to be its own.
Here’s the basis of our nation:
Four diverse groups in unity,
Come to offer all their varied skills,
For the good of all and a world at peace.
Kosovo Independence Influence
The United Nations acceptance of the 2008 Kosovo declaration of independence has been on watch by the PRC. Beijing has bluntly and publicly denied Taiwan any push for independence. Conflicting views arise from both sides with the PRC declaring Taiwan has no rights, and the Taiwan Independence supporters emphasizing on democracy and freedom. Su Tseng-chang of the Democratic Progressive Party has said that Kosovo has about 2 million people determined to be their own masters, while Taiwan has 23 million people with a solid democratic foundation.
As of 7 March 2008, 26 sovereign UN member states, as well as several other entities, including other states, recognised the Republic of Kosovo. Notably, a majority of EU member states (16 out of 27) has formally recognised Kosovo; EU member states decide individually whether to recognise Kosovo, whereas the EU has commissioned the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX) to ensure peace and continued external oversight. However, some 20 other UN member states have either officially declined to extend their recognition, or are unlikely to do so. The UN Security Council remains divided on this issue: of its five members with veto power, three (the United States, United Kingdom, France) have recognised the declaration of independence, while the People's Republic of China has expressed concern, urging the continuation of previous negotiation framework. Russia has rejected the declaration as illegal.