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Tsou

 

鄒族原住民文化網

 

Segawa's Illustrated Ethnography of Indigenous Formosan People: The Tsou by Yuasa Hiroshi

 

* Newly Discovered Asteroid Named After Taiwan's Tsou Tribe by 廖文韻

* Ancient Tribal Relics Pre-date Earlier Finds by a Millenium by Taipei Times

TSOU

Excerpts from Wikipedia.org

The Tsou (鄒族) are an Indigenous people of central southern Taiwan. They are spread across three districts, Nantou County, Chiayi County and Kaohsiung County.

They are sometimes confused with the Thao people of Sun Moon Lake. In the year 2000 the Tsou numbered 6,169. This was approximately 1.6% of Taiwan's total Indigenous population, making them the seventh-largest tribal group.

 

The Tsou language is the Austronesian language of the aboriginal Taiwanese Tsou people.

The dialectal variation of Tsou is not great. There are four recorded dialects, Tapangu, Tfuea, Duhtu, and Iimcu, of which Tapangu and Tfuea are still spoken. Iimcu is not well described. The grammar of the other three dialects is nearly identical, and phonological variation is marginal

 

Tsou Distribution Map

(Map from Digital Museum of Taiwan Indigeneous Peoples)

 

 

 

Classification of Formosan Languages

The seminal article in the classification of Formosan—and, by extension, the top-level structure of Austronesian—is Blust (1999). Prominent Formosanists (linguists who specialize in Formosan languages) take issue with some of its details, but it remains the point of reference for current linguistic analyses, and is shown below. The Malayo-Polynesian languages are frequently included within Blust's Eastern Formosan branch due to their shared leveling of proto-Austronesian *t, *C to /t/ and *n, *N to /n/, their shift of *S to /h/, and vocabulary such as *lima "five" which are not attested in other Formosan languages.

In addition to Malayo-Polynesian, thirteen Formosan families are broadly accepted. Debate centers primarily around the relationships between these families. Two classifications are presented here, Blust (1999), who links two families into a Western Plains group, two more in a Northwestern Formosan group, and three into an Eastern Formosan group, and the Austronesian Basic Vocabulary Database (2008), which links five families into a Northern Formosan group, two in a Tsouic group, and links Malayo-Polynesian with Paiwan in a Paiwanic group.

Other studies have presented phonological evidence for a reduced Paiwanic family of Paiwanic, Puyuma, Bunun, Amis, and Malayo-Polynesian, but this is not reflected in vocabulary. The Eastern Formosan peoples Basay, Kavalan, and Amis share a homeland motif that has them coming originally from an island called Sinasay or Sanasay (Li 2004). The Amis, in particular, maintain that they came from the east, and were treated by the Puyuma, amongst whom they settled, as a subservient group (Taylor 1888).

 

Blust (1999)

• Tsouic
  • Tsou
  • Saaroa
  • Kanakanabu
• Western Plains
  • Thao (AKA Sao. Brawbaw, Shtafari dialects)
  • Central Western Plains
    • Babuza (Taokas, Poavosa dialects)
    • Popora-Hoanya (Popora, Hoanya dialects)
• Northwest Formosan
  • Saisiyat (Taai, Tungho dialects)
  • Pazeh (AKA Kulun)
• Atayalic
  • Atayal
  • Seediq (AKA Truku, Taroko)
• East Formosan
  • Northern (Kavalanic)
    • Basai (Trobiawan, Linaw-Qauqaul dialects)
    • Kavalan
    • Ketagalan
  • Central (Ami)
    • Nataoran (North Amis)
    • Amis
  • Siraya
  • Malayo-Polynesian
• Bunun
• Rukai (Mantauran, Tona, and Maga dialects are divergent)
• Puyuma
• Paiwan (southern tip of Formosa)

 

Li (2008)

Families of Formosan languages before Chinese colonization, per Li (2008). The three languages (Bunun, Puyuma, Paiwan) may form a Southern Formosan branch, but this is uncertain.

This classification retains Blust's East Formosan, and unites the other northern languages. Li proposes a Proto-Formosan (F0) ancestor and equates it with Proto-Austronesian (PAN), following the model in Starosta (1995). Rukai and Tsouic are seen as highly divergent, although the position of Rukai is highly controversial.

• F0: Formosan = Austronesian
  •   Rukai
    • Mantauran
    • Maga-Tona, Budai-Labuan-Taromak
  • F1
    •   Central (Tsouic)
      • Tsou
      • Southern Tsouic
        • Saaroa
        • Kanakanabu
    • F2
      •   Northern Formosan
        • Northwestern (Plains)
          • Saisiyat–Kulon–Pazeh
          • Western
            • Thao
            • West Coast (Popora–Hoanya–Babuza–Taokas)
        • Atayalic
          • Squliq Atayal
          • Ts'ole' Atayal (= C'uli')
          • Seediq
      •   East Formosan
        • Kavalan–Basay
        • Siraya–Amis
      • ? Southern [uncertain]
        •   Bunun
          • Isbukun
          • Northern and Central (Takitudu and Takbanuao)
        •   Paiwan–Puyuma [uncertain]

 

Austronesian Basic Vocabulary Database (2008)

Families of Formosan languages before Chinese colonization, per the Austronesian Basic Vocabulary Database (Greenhill, Blust & Gray 2008).

This investigation keeps Li's Northern Formosan, but breaks up Blust's Eastern Formosan, and suggests Paiwan may be the closest to Malayo-Polynesian. It also unites Tsouic and Rukai, the two most divergent languages in Li.

 

 * Kavalanic (This is an obvious, low-level grouping)

• Basay (Trobiawan, Linaw-Qauqaut dialects)
• Kavalan
• Ketagalan

*  Northern Formosan (These groups are linked with an estimated 97% probability)

• Thao (AKA Sao. Brawbaw, Shtafari dialects)
• Western Plains
  • Babuza (AKA Favorlang. Taokas, Poavosa dialects)
  • Popora-Hoanya (Popora, Hoanya dialects)
• Saisiyat (Taai, Tungho dialects)
• Pazeh (AKA Kulun)
• Atayalic
  • Atayal (Squliq, C’uli’)
  • Seediq (AKA Truku, Taroko)

*  Ami (Another low-level grouping)

• Sakizaya
• Nataoran (North Amis)
• Amis

*  Bunun

• Bunun

*  Tsou-Rukai (Tsou and Rukai are connected with moderate confidence, estimated at 85% probability.)

• Tsouic
  • Tsou
  • Saaroa
  • Kanakanabu
• Rukai (Mantauran, Tona, and Maga dialects are divergent)

*  Siraya

• Siraya (Taivoan, Makatao dialects)

* Puyuma

• Puyuma

*  Paiwanic (Malayo-Polynesian and Paiwan are linked with a low level of confidence (74%).)

• Paiwan (southern tip of Formosa)
• Malayo-Polynesian

 

Sagart (2004)

Sino-Austronesian is a proposed language family. Its original version was first presented by Laurent Sagart in the early 1990s. Using reconstructions of the Old Chinese language, Sagart argued that the Austronesian languages were related to the Sinitic languages both lexically and morphologically. Additionally, the Tai-Kadai languages were placed internally within the Austronesian family as a sister branch of Malayo-Polynesian. He also considers the Austro-Asiatic language family to be a likely candidate for inclusion, since if the Austric hypothesis proves to be true, Austro-Asiatic would follow along with the Tai-Kadai branch's inclusion in Sino-Austronesian.

If compared with genetic evidence, the Sino-Austronesian family would correspond to Haplogroup O, a paternally-transmitted human Y-chromosome DNA haplogroup. Laurent Sagart has also shown that his Sino-Austronesian proposal does not contradict genetic studies in any major way.

Related proposals include Austric (Wilhelm Schmidt), Austro-Tai (Paul K. Benedict), and Dené-Caucasian (Sergei Starostin).

• Sino-Austronesian (Sino-Tibetan-Austronesian)
  • Tibeto-Burman ("Sino-Tibetan languages")
  • Austronesian
    • Luilang, Pazeh, Saisiat
    • Pituish
      • Atayalic (Thao, Favorlang, Taokas, Papora, Hoanya)
      • Enemish
        • Siraya
        • Walu-Siwaish
          • Tsouic (Paiwan, Rukai, Puyuma, Amis, Bunun)
          • Muish
            • Northeastern Formosan (Ketagalan, Kavalan, etc.)
            • Daic or Kra-Dai (Tai-Kadai)
            • Malayo-Polynesian

 

* The Higher Phyolgeny of Austronesian and the Position of Tai-Kadaii by Laurent SagartEnriched Higher An Phylogeny Based on Basic-Lexical and Morphological Innovations (gray area at bottom)

Taxon names are in bold type. To the exception of the NE-Formosan languages Kavalan and Ketagalan, no claim is made that the languages whose names are in the same column (for instance Luilang, Pazeh and Saisiat) form a taxon. Dotted arrows indicate an oversea migration. 'FATK' = Formosan Ancestor of Tai-Kadai; 'FAMP' = 'Formosan Ancestor of Malayo-Polynesian'.

 

Ross (2009)

(Chart from Linguistic Evidence for Austronesian Homeland and Dispersal by Paul Jen-kuei Li)

In 2009, Malcolm Ross proposed a new classification of the Austronesian language family based on morphological evidence from various Formosan languages. He proposed that since the current reconstructions for Proto-Austronesian actually correspond to an intermediate stage, and they would actually correspond to "Proto-Nuclear Austronesian." Notably, Ross' classification does not support the unity of the Tsouic languages, instead considering the Southern Tsouic languages of Kanakanavu and Saaroa to be a separate subgroup. This would support Chang's (2006) claim that Tsouic is not a valid subgroup.

• Austronesian (Ross 2009)
  • Puyuma
  • Rukai
  • Tsou
  • Nuclear Austronesian
    • Kanakanavu and Saaroa
    • Northwest Formosan: Saisiyat, Kulon-Pazih
    • Atayalic: Atayal, Seediq
    • Western Plains: Thao, Taokas, Favorlang-Babuza, Papora, Hoanya
    • Bunun
    • Paiwan
    • East Formosan: Basay-Trobiawan, Kavalan, Amis, Siraya
    • Malayo-Polynesian: all extra-Formosan languages, including Yami (Tao)

 

 

台灣南島語言

台灣南島語言（Formosan）或稱高山語、台灣原住民族語，在語言分類上是屬於南島語系台灣南島語族，一共有23個語言，可以再細分成「泰雅語群」、「排灣語群」、以及「鄒語群」等三個語群。使用人口約17萬人。

除了世居蘭嶼的達悟族所使用的達悟語（雅美語）是屬於分布於呂宋海峽諸島群的南島語系馬來-玻里尼西亞語族巴丹語群（Batanic / Bashiic）外，其他台灣原住民族所使用的語言都屬於南島語系台灣南島語言。台灣南島語言在整個南島語系中佔著極為特殊的地位，古南島語中所出現的動、植物群，常見於台灣島內不同的地形及氣候區內，這些證據顯示台灣南島語言十分古老。以這些語言研究上的證據作為基礎，甚至有相當多的語言學家相信，台灣是整個南島民族的「祖居地」（homeland）之一。

「台灣南島語言」在南島語族的分類位置

相關的語言學者對於台灣南島語言在整個南島語族的分類位置，有以下幾種不同的看法：

將「台灣南島語言」視為是「西部南島語」的一支: 傳統上，語言學者依照所謂的「華理士分界線」（the Wallace line）將南島語族分成兩大類：東部南島語（Oceanic，指大洋洲的南島語）以及西部南島語（Hesperonesian，指非大洋洲的南島語）。戴恩（Dyen 1963）和土田滋（Tsuchida 1976）都認為台灣南島語言跟西部南島語比較接近，因此只是西部南島語群的一個分支，並無特殊的地位。這是代表傳統的分類法。

將「台灣南島語言」視為是「北部南島語」:奧德裏庫（Haudricourt 1965）則把台灣南島語與東部南島語、西部南島語三分而立，並稱台灣南島語為北部南島語。

將「台灣南島語言」視為是南島語系的第一分支: 達爾（Dahl 1976）認為台灣南島語保存了最多古南島語（Proto-Austronesian）的特徵，應該被視為是整個南島語族的第一分支。在這個基礎上，白樂思（Blust 1982）更進一步把南島語族分為四個分支：泰雅群、鄒語群、排灣群、以及馬來亞玻里尼西亞群。在超過1200種的南島語族語言當中，數量上只有20幾種的台灣南島語竟然被劃分成三個不同的語群，佔了四個南島語群當中的三個，其在南島語系中的重要地位自然不言可喻。

也是基於同樣的考慮，有些學者則將南島語系分成兩大部分，一部份是台灣南島語群，另一部份則是馬來亞-玻里尼西亞語群，這也是Ethnologue: Languages of the World（2004）目前所採取的分類方式。在該語言資料庫所收集的1262個南島語系語言當中，這些語言被分成兩大類，其中23個屬於台灣南島語的語言被歸類為「台灣南島語族」（Formosan），另外1239個其他的不同語言則被歸類為「馬來亞-玻里尼西亞語族」（Malayo-Polynesian）。

綜論: 事實上，愈來愈多的南島語言學者承認台灣南島語的重要性。就目前的語言學研究而言，台灣至少是最古老的南島民族居住地之一，甚至極可能就是古南島民族的發源地（參見Blust 1985；Bellwood 1991）。在以下的討論中，我們將依照Ethnologue: Languages of the World（2005b）的報告，將被歸類為「台灣南島語族」的台灣南島語再細分成三個語群：泰雅語群、排灣語群、以及鄒語群。

「台灣南島語言」分類系譜

台灣南島語言共有23個，其中2個被歸為泰雅語群，17個被歸為排灣語群，4個被歸為鄒語群。未列入不屬於台灣南島語言的達悟語。

2009年，根據聯合國教科文組織報告，馬賽語、凱達格蘭語等7種語言已被認定流失；另外，噶瑪蘭語、貓霧捒語、邵語等7種語言被評為極度危急、賽夏語為嚴重危險，而泰雅語、卑南語、布農語等9種語言則為脆弱等級。

• 泰雅語群 (Atayalic) (2)
  • 泰雅語 (Atayal)
  • 賽德克語 (Seediq)
• 排灣語群 (Paiwanic) (21)
  • 阿美語 ('Amis, Pangcah)
    • 荳蘭阿美語（'Amis, Nataoran）
  • 布農語 (Bunun)
  • 巴布薩語 (Babuza)(貓霧捒)
    • 虎尾壟語(Favorlang)
  • 噶瑪蘭語 (Kebalan)
  • 猴猴語(Qauqaut)
  • 西拉雅語 (Siraiya)
    • 大滿語 (Taivuan)(四社熟番)
    • 馬卡道語 (Makatau)
  • 洪雅語 (Honya)
  • 凱達格蘭語 (Ketangalan)
    • 巴賽語 (Basay)
    • 雷朗語(Luilang)
  • 龜崙語(Kulon)
  • 賽夏語 (Saisiyat)
  • 道卡斯語 (Taokas)
  • 巴布拉語 (Papora,Papura; 干仔轄(Camachat; 巴布拉語))
  • 排灣語 (Paiwan)
  • 卑南語 (Pyuma/普優瑪)
  • 巴宰語 (Pazih, Pazeh)
    • 噶哈巫語(Kaxabu, Kahabu)(眉溪四庄)
  • 邵語 (Thao)
• 鄒語群 (Tsouic) (4)
  • 魯凱語 (Rukai)
  • 北鄒語群 (Northern) (1)
    • 鄒語 (Tsou,Cou)
  • 南鄒語群 (Southern) (2)
    • 卡那卡那富語(Kanakanavu)
    • 沙阿魯阿語(Saaroa)

____________________________________________________________________________________________

 

* Migration and Distribution of the Formosan Aborigines (Part 1)  [in Japanese] by Toichi Mabuchi

Abstract: Where the Formosan aborigines came from remains still next to enigma, except that some features of their culture suggest a certain relation with Malaysia on the one hand and with the Continent on the other. However, their migration, involving cultural contact and re-arrangement, that seems to have left much influence to the present-day states of things among them, is the later one, presumably during these two or three centuries. The sequence of such a migration being postulated, to some extent, to be simultaneously reflected in and retraceable by their legends and culture traits distribution, the historical reconstruction is to be preliminarily proceeded by referring to these mutually reversible and yet reciprocally complemental situations. And it would be added here that the Dutch documents in the middle of the 17th century, including the census on the aboriginal population covering almoby st the whole of Formosan mainland except the northern and central mountains, tend to verify the natives' legends of the migration. Anyhow, the historical perspective in this article is also to be utilized as an background in persuing the process of cultural or social change. The preliminary conclusion of our survey work would be summarized as follows ; preliminary, because there should be done a further elaborated study on the trends of shift or distribution in cultural and social traits, combined to some measure also with a more detailed archaeological survey in reference with the fact that especially among the peoples of the northern and central mountain region stone implements were used widely before their contact with the Chinese invaded into the Western Plain. (cf. N. Utsurikawa, N. Miyamoto and T. Mabuchi : The Formosan Natives. A Genealogical and Classificatory Study. 2 vols. Institute of Ethnology, Taihoku Imperial University of Formosa, Tokyo 1935.) 1. The northward and eastward migration of the Atayal, in waves followed one after another, from the southwestern extremity of their present-day distribution area, took place presumably since the middle of the 18th century. It seems certain, however, that some forerunners of them had paved the way toward the northwest in a more or less earlier time and absorbed several of heterogeneous elements especially from the Western Plain. The relatively rapid expansion of the Atayal was accompanied by splitting into various tribes, now amounting to about thirty in number as a whole, each of which is generally a federation of villages in a definite drainage as the territory of a political unit. 2. The territory of the Saisiyat, which had once covered a fairly wide sphere in the northwestern part of the present distribution area of the Atayal, has much dwindled before the invading Atayal. 3. After having had absorbed various heterogeneous elements from the Western Plain and elsewhere and diverged into five tribes in their homeland situating in the central west of the Formosan mountains, the Bunun migrated to the east and south. The start of this migration seems to date back to the earlier half of the 18th century, though a still earlier offshoot, the Takopulan tribe to the south of the Northern Tsou, had already arrived in the present-day territory as is evident from the Dutch documents of the middle of the 17th century. In spite of such an expansion of the Bunun, as comparable with that of the Atayal, further splitting of the tribe did not ensue. This was perhaps due mainly to the wider range of intra-tribal marriage based upon the rather complicated system of clan or phratry exogamy, along with various social effects thereof, which, in all, seem to have prevented splitting of tribe. 4. The Tsou, who had once occupied far wider area in the southwestern part of central Formosa, have retreated to the present territory, owing to the invasion of the Bunun in the east and of the Plain Aborigines and Chinese immigrants in the west. Under such a pressure from outside, combined with a considerable depopulation by epidemic from the Western Plain, the political and military integration of the tribe seems to have become fairly conspicuous especially among the Northern Tsou, whose four tribes themselves, in turn, were perhaps an outcome of this process of integration : the tribe may be reagarded here as a federation of clans around a tribal chief and the club-house of the head-village, as a symbol of political, military and religious unity.

 

臺灣鄒族的風土神話 by 巴蘇亞．博伊哲努（浦忠成）

 

 

 

Summary of Contents： The Tsou Tribe is one of the aboriginal tribes in Taiwan. Its people mainly reside in the Tsengwen Stream that runs across the area west and southwest of the Jade Mountain. With the invasion of the Han culture and the outside regimes, and also the spreading of epidemic diseases such as smallpox and pestilence, the Tsou Tribe has decreased to a small tribe of four to five thousand people within the past 300 years. The book illustrates the history, systems, culture, ceremonies, songs, and even legends of the Tsou Tribe. Facing the danger of downsizing, the Tsou tribal people managed to inherit and preserve their ancestors’ culture and wisdom.

The book is divided into two parts. The first part contains four chapters: 1. The history, geographic environment, tribal and family systems of the Tsou Tribe. 2. The religious belief and family ethics, sacrifices and ceremonies, witchcraft and fortune-telling, as well as the legal systems of the Tsou tribe. 3. The hunting industry and the exchanges of commodities within the Tsou tribe. 4. The Tsou’s philosophy of life, expressed through its literature, music, dances, and lifestyles. The second part included 20 legendary tales of the Tsou tribe.( Jay Emily Wang)

 

* Tsou─The Singing under Waterfalls by Taiwan Music Center

Excerpt: The word "Tsou" means "human being" in Tsou language. The total population of this tribe is about 5,000 people nowadays, which is less among indigenous people in Taiwan. The anthropologists think that Tsou and Bunun both are "netted pattern pottery culture stratum". In the myth related to the origin of human being, the tribal people believe that they are originated from leaves, trees or soil.

In general, Tsou can be divided into South-Tsou and North-Tsou. The South-Tsou includes "Kanakanavu" in Sanmin township, "Sa'arua" in Tauyuan township, Kaohsiung County. The North-Tsou lives in Alishan township, includes four sub-groups─Tapangu, Tfuya, Yimicu and Luhtu. The altitude of Tapangu, Tfuya, Leye, Lijia, Shanmei, Shinmei, Laiji, Chashan villages in the four sub-groups and Jioumei village in Nantou County is from 500 to 1,500 meters.

 

Namaxia Township (那瑪夏鄉), formerly Sanmin Township (三民鄉) is a district located in the northeastern part of Kaohsiung County, Taiwan.

The district is mountainous and populated mainly by Taiwanese aborigines. Most residents are Christians.

The lowest point in the valley is 430 meters above sea level; the highest is the peak of Mount Xinwangling, at 2,481 meters. The four main settlements upriver are Minzu (Nangisalu in the local aboriginal language), Minchuan (Mangchu) and Minsheng First and Second villages (Takanua).

There is plentiful wildlife: 29 mammal species, 97 bird species, 30 types of reptile, 16 amphibians, and 18 fishes. There are also 89 butterfly species.

On January 1, 2008, the township was renamed from Sanmin to Namaxia, as the name of Sanmin (taken from the Sun Yat-sen's Three Principles of the People), was considered an overly political name. Rather, the name Namaxia was chosen, as it is the name of a local river in the Tsou language, while its meaning is "better and better" in the Bunun language. The population of the township is majority Bunun with a substantial Tsou minority.

 

鄒族 by 王嵩山

 

 

 

 

鄒族神話與傳說 by  田哲益

 

 

 

 

阿里山鄒族之歌 (SONGS OF THE TSOU TRIBE) by 吳榮順

 

 

 

南部鄒族民歌 by  合輯

 

 

____________________________________________________________________________________________

 

Yushan

 

Yushan (玉山; also known as Jade Mountain) is the highest mountain in Taiwan and the fourth highest mountain on an island. Earlier, at the times when few Taiwanese could speak English, it was known among the expats, mostly missionaries, as Mt. Morrison, thought to have been named so in honor of the 19th century missionary Robert Morrison.

In 1900, after the annexation of Taiwan by the Japanese, two Japanese anthropologists, Torii Ryūzō and Mori Ushinosuke, became the first people to have been recorded ascending the mountain. They gave the mountain the name Niitakayama (新高山) or Mount Niitaka, literally the "New High Mountain", because it was even higher than Mount Fuji in Japan (was Empire of Japan) by 176 metres (577 ft). In 1937, Niitakayama was designated part of the Niitaka (New Highest) Arisan National Park (新高阿里山国立公園).

Under its Japanese name, the mountain was used as the secret code to signal the carrier fleet of the Imperial Japanese Navy to begin its attack against Pearl Harbor. The code was Niitakayama Nobore (literally "Climb the New High Mountain")

In recent years, Yushan has played an important role in a new focus on Taiwan's identity. Because its iconic status, Yushan has been chosen to be the background of the newly issued NT $1,000 dollor bills on 20th July, 2005. Similarly, a newly found asteroid by Lulin Observatory of National Central University was named after Yushan on December 28, 2007.

 

* `Sacred Mountain' to Get Ecological Breather by Chiu Yu-Tzu

Excerpt: Also known as Jade Mountain, Yushan, which soars 3,952m above sea level, is regarded as a sacred mountain by the Aboriginal people of both the Tsou (鄒族) and Bunun tribe (布農族), who live there.

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Alishan

Dawn view from Alishan, photo by Michael Cannings

The Alishan National Scenic Area (阿里山國家風景區) is a mountain resort and natural preserve located in the mountains of Chiayi County in Taiwan. It is 415 km² in area. It includes, among other things, mountain wilderness, four villages, waterfalls, high altitude tea plantations, the Alishan Forest Railway and several hiking trails. The area is popular among tourists and mountain climbers, and Alishan or Mount Ali (阿里山) itself has become one of the major landmarks associated with Taiwan. The area is also famous for its production of high mountain tea and wasabi.

Alishan National Scenic Area spans a broad range in altitude. Lower elevations share the same subtropical and tropical climate as the rest of southern Taiwan, while the climate changes to temperate and alpine as the elevation increases. Snow sometimes falls at higher elevations in the winter.

The Alishan area was originally settled by the Tsou tribe of the Taiwanese aborigines; the name derives from the aboriginal word Jarissang. Ethnic Chinese settlers first settled on the plains near modern day Chiayi as early as the late Ming Dynasty (around the mid 17th century), but did not move into the mountains until the late 18th century, establishing the towns of Rueili (瑞里), Rueifong (瑞峰), Siding (隙頂), and Fencihu (奮起湖). The resulting armed clashes between the settlers and the aborigines pushed the aborigines even further into the mountains.

Following the cession of Taiwan to Japan at the end of the First Sino-Japanese War, Japanese expeditions to the area found large quantities of cypress (檜木, or hinoki in Japanese). This led to the development of the logging industry in the area and the export of local cypress and Taiwania wood. A series of narrow-gauge railways were built in the area during this time to facilitate the transportation of lumber from the mountains to the plains below, part of which continues to operate as the Alishan Forest Railway. Several new villages also began to sprout up along the railway lines. It was also during this time that the first tourists began to visit the area. Plans were even drawn up to incorporate the area into a new national park (新高阿里山國立公園).

With the exhaustion of forest resources by the 1970s, domestic and international tourism overtook logging to become the primary economic activity in the area.

* Illusory Paradise - Alishan by ali.org.tw

* Video: 高山青（阿里山姑娘) by 卓依婷

* Video: 鄒之春神 南山之歌 - Kids from Taiwan indigenous tribe 'Tsou' sing their folk songs

* Video: Acer Commercial filmed in the Alishan National Scenic Area - Acer Inc. (宏碁股份有限公司) is a Taiwanese multinational electronics manufacturer. Acer is the third largest computer manufacturer in the world (by sales) after HP and Dell.

* Videos: 1, 2 白色追憶錄 ~ 台灣光復初期殞落的原住民菁英

 

Wasabi (Wasabia japonica, Cochlearia wasabi, or Eutrema japonica) is a member of the Brassicaceae family, which includes cabbages, horseradish and mustard. Known as "Japanese horseradish", its root is used as a spice and has an extremely strong flavour. Its hotness is more akin to that of a hot mustard than the capsaicin in a chili pepper, producing vapors that stimulate the nasal passages more than the tongue. The plant grows naturally along stream beds in mountain river valleys in Japan.

Few places are suitable for large-scale wasabi cultivation, and cultivation is difficult even in ideal conditions. As the demand for real wasabi is very high, Japan has to import a large amount of it from Mainland China, Ali Mountain of Taiwan, and New Zealand.

In North America, a handful of companies and small farmers are successfully pursuing the trend by cultivating Wasabia japonica. While only the Pacific Northwest and parts of the Blue Ridge Mountains provide the right balance of climate and water for natural cultivation of sawa (water grown) wasabi, the use of hydroponics and greenhouses has extended the range.

The finest sawa wasabi is grown in pure, constantly flowing water, without pesticides or fertilizers.

 

 

* Alishan--A Local Perspective

Excerpts: Alishan-Mt. Ali-is not a mountain (阿里山). Fenqihu-Lake Fenqi (奮起湖)-is not a lake. The Aboriginal Tsou tribe that lives there is not actually aboriginal to the area. The common tale of the origin of the name "Alishan" was made up but was taken for real by a reporter, and the Sisters Lake story is likewise a total fabrication....

Seemingly constantly shrouded in mist and cloud, Alishan's true face has long been somewhat hidden from outsiders. It has also been the subject of many erroneous tales and stories, with the biggest such error concerning the name "Alishan" itself.

Over 250 years ago there was a Tsou chief called Abali. A brave and skilled hunter, every member of every hunting team he led came back alive and fully loaded up, and to honor him, the tribespeople named the area for him, calling it Mt. Ali. Or at least, such is the explanation found in materials big and small about Alishan National Forest Recreation Area. Research has found, though, that the story was actually fabricated out of whole cloth by a then area office director being interviewed by a journalist in 1963. Today, the Tsou people often joke about the story, saying it's a good thing the man said "Abali" and not "Ali Baba," because no one would ever buy that.

Another such erroneous tale is that of the legendary Chinese figure Wu Feng, who sacrificed his own life in order to break the Tsou of their tradition of headhunting. In actuality, Wu Feng's tale was at the least embroidered, if not simply made up, by the Japanese colonial government. In the late 1980s, with the rise of Aboriginal consciousness, the Tsou could no longer tolerate their reputation being sullied by this tale of the Chinese "civilizing" them, and Wu Feng's story was finally erased from elementary school textbooks and dropped completely. Even the village on Alishan that bore his name was renamed Alishan Village....

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Dental Ablation or Evulsion

(Photo from Some Hypotheses on the Formation of East Asian Language Families by Laurent Sagart)

 

Photo 3 Shows a Tsou Woman on Taiwan with Dental Ablation

 

* The Prehistory of the Daic (Taikadai) Speaking Peoples and the Hypothesis of an Austronesian Connection by Roger Blench

Excerpt: Dental ablation or evulsion is the deliberate taking out of teeth, most notably the front incisors, but often others as well. It can be detected in the archaeological record as well as in ethnographic accounts, but has tended to disappear in recent times, like many types of permanent body mutilation. Dental ablation has a worldwide distribution: for example, it is common in the Lakes Region of Central Africa (Frazer 1910). It occurs in Siberia and Jomon period Japan, although there is some debate about whether the ablation seen in skeletal material was intentional or simply loss through use. Its pattern in the SE Asian region is quite striking. It is not in use generally in island SE Asia (though see Van Rippen 1918) but is common on Taiwan (and incidentally associated with the millet harvest in some groups). Photo 3 shows a Tsou woman on Taiwan with dental ablation, photographed by Segawa in the 1930s (Yuasa 2000: 61). Yuasa (2000: 39) also reproduces a series of photographs of Tsou men, showing both ablation and teeth blackening.

Ablation is recorded ethnographically and archaeologically in South China (and some sites in North China). Zhu Feisu (1984) reports ablation from pre-Qin sites in Guangdong. Chinese records also mention dental ablation and teeth colouring (Mote 1964). The Tianbao shilu (Veritable Record of the Celestial Treasure Reign period) says that ‘the Jiu mountains in Rinan county are a connected range of an unknown number of li. A Luo (lit. naked) man lives there. He is a descendant of the Bo people. He has tattooed his chest with a design of flowers. There is something like purple-coloured powder that he has painted below his eyes. He has removed his front two teeth, and he thinks of it all as beautiful decoration.’

Ethnographically, a number of Daic peoples of South China still practise ablation. Photo 4 shows a Tai woman with her two bottom front teeth removed. Tapp & Cohn (2003) have republished an eighteenth century album of ‘Savage Southern Tribes’ showing pre-marital dental ablation among the Gelao [Qiao] a Daic group
(Photo 5).

The distribution of dental ablation on the mainland in archaeological sites is also quite indicative. There is no record of its occurring in Daic-speaking peoples in Thailand today. The most comprehensive review of SE Asian dental ablation is Tayles (1996) who describes its occurrence at Khok Phanom Di. Sangvichien et al. (1969) report ablation from Ban Kao. Nelsen et al. (2001) argue for its presence at Noen U-Loke in NE Thailand (ca 200 BC to ca 500 AD). However, it is extremely common in dental material from Northern and central Thailand from about 3500 BP onwards. Oxenham (2006) reports possible cases of ablation from the Da But period sites in Northern Vietnam. Photo 6 shows two skulls excavated in South China which also clearly illustrate dental ablation. The patterning shows that this cannot possibly be accidental tooth loss.

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Teeth-blackening

 

* The Prehistory of the Daic (Taikadai) Speaking Peoples and the Hypothesis of an Austronesian Connection by Roger Blench

Excerpt: Teeth-blackening is distinct from betel-chewing and uses plantderived dyes to colour the teeth. It is reported among the various minorities on Taiwan, including the Tsou. Chen (1968:256) says ‘Tooth-blacking was also common among the Paiwan and Ami’. Tooth blackening is also common among various Yunnan minorities and is referred to in the Chinese historical sources cited above. The usual plant used for this purpose, both in Taiwan and Yunnan is the fevervine, Paederia scandens (Photo 7) (see also Yuasa 2000: 61). However, teethblackening is also common among the Vietnamese (an Austroasiatic-speaking people). Here is Frank (1926:168);

‘about marriage time, which in Annam is early in life, every Annamese, of either sex, is expected to have his teeth lacquered black by a process said to be very painful….and to the Annamese a person is handsome only if his teeth were jet-black. ‘Any dog can have white teeth’ say the Annamese, looking disparagingly at Europeans.’

 

Ohaguro (お歯黒) is a fashion of dying one's teeth black. It was most popular in Japan until the Meiji era, as well as in the southeastern parts of China and Southeast Asia. Dyeing was mainly done by married women, though occasionally men did it as well.

In modern times, places where minority people live, ohaguro can be seen. It is mainly restricted to older women, though it is occasionally done by some young married women. For these people, sometimes artificial teeth are made.

• Yunnan
  • Hmong people
  • Lahu people
  • Yao people
• Vietnam
  • ethnic Vietnamese
  • Dao Tien people
  • Lu people
  • Black Hmong people
  • Nung people
• Laos
  • Hani people
  • Katu people
  • Phu noi people
• Thailand
  • Akha
  • Lisu people

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* Affinities between Nagas and Tribes of Southern Seas by Thoje Pou

Excerpts: The comparative study of the Nagas in India and Myanmar and some of the Indigenous People of Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia and Taiwan shows their similarities in their socio-cultural life. The Naga scholars believed that Nagas lived in the Chindwin and Irranwandy valley before they migrated to Naga Hills. They also believed that they lived near the Island or Southern seas coastal areas and retreated to north west of Myanmar and later migrated to the Naga Hills – while the other groups of Naga went further to the southern seas of Malaysia, Indonesia, Taiwan and Philippines.

Many authorities on Naga suggested that the custom and tradition of Naga is very resembled with those tribes in Southern Seas (Malaysia, Indonesia, Philippine etc). Some of the tribes living in Southeast Asian countries like Malaysia, Indonesia, Philippines and Taiwan are quite similar with the Naga people in many aspects. The custom and tradition practices by Nagas like Headhunting, Dormitory system, Tattooing, Platform burial, looms, terraces rice field etc are resemble to those tribes in the Southern Seas. Mc Govern writes that Nagas are very similar to the Dyaks and Kayans of Borneo, Bataks of Sumatra and certain groups of Formosa (Taiwan) and several other groups in Philippines. Some of the other writers like, W.C. Smith, Barrows, Shakespeare etc, described the affinities of Nagas with those tribes of Malaysia, Borneo, Philippines, Indonesia and Sumatra....

The TSOU tribe of Taiwan also have assembly hall. The young men lived in Assembly Hall and are trained in different skills before they are married. There are traditional taboos prohibiting the women from setting foot into the “Kuba” (the Assembly Halls) Like the Tsou tribe, the Naga tribe also have a kind of Assembly hall called “Morung”. The young man folk stay in Morung and were trained in different skills till they are married.

The Naga young woman folk have separate Morung, the man can go to female’s Morung but the females are prohibited to enter into man’s Morung, which is also similar with the Tsou tribe. The Nagas belief that if woman enter the men’s dormitory, it would bring misfortune in the village, thus woman was restricted to enter in men’s Morung. “Headhunting was a cultural practice of some of the indigenous tribe of Taiwan....

 

Naga People

Map of India: Nagaland (19), Manipur (16), Assam (3) and Arunachal Pradesh (2)

The Nagas are a group of tribal people inhabiting the Indian state of Nagaland, parts of Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh and the northwestern hill tracks of Myanmar such as the Sagaing Division. The numerous Naga languages (sometimes classified as dialects) belong to the Tibeto-Burman languages group of the Sino-Tibetan languages family. Nagas traditionally are tribally organized, with a strong warrior tradition. Their villages are sited on hilltops and till the later part of the 19th century, they make frequent armed raids on the plains below. Although the tribes do not form a homogeneous group considering the diversity in their language and traditions, they have many similarities in their culture which set them apart from the neighbouring occupants of the region. The Nagas today number around 4 million in population.

Early History: There is no scholarly consensus regarding the early origins of the Nagas and very little is known of the Mongoloid groups whose southwesterly migration brought them to the sub Himalayan region of north-eastern India and north-western Myanmar. These tribes speak Tibeto-Burman dialects and it is probable that their original homeland was in the region between the Huang Ho and Yangtze (Ch'ang) rivers in northwestern China and that they came in successive waves of migration spreading over centuries.
Although the presence of mongoloid groups in the region had been attested as early as 10 B.C. the Nagas had maintained little outside contact till the later part of the 13th century. Their existence was mentioned by Ptolemy in about 150 A.D. Oral traditions abound among the many tribes regarding how they came, dispersed etc. but such accounts are steeped in myth and superstition and hence no concrete facts about their arrival to the region can emerge.
Curious coincidences of culture and language through the Pacific led some scholars to suggest that the Nagas were an off-shoot of groups which had originally descended from the central Asian plateau. Their burial customs, ornamentation, agricultural practices and even games and crafts, linked them strongly to the tribal peoples of Borneo and the Philippines

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Images from

Tsou Warrior

 

* The Tsou People by cca.gov.tw

Excerpt: One of the arts of the Tsou people that most distinguishes their culture from that of Taiwan's other Aboriginal peoples is tanning and leather working. There is in particular a kind of headdress made from the skin of a muntjac which requires a comples process of kneading and pounding to make the material soft enough to work. The edge of the headdress is then decorated with bear fur, and the feathers of rare and precious birds are inserted in the top. The Tsou have traditionally used skins from mountain goats or from formosan sambar to make leather shoes, pants, or bags, all items used by warriors. Tsou warriors also wear a type of ornament tied around their upper arm which is made of a cloth strip wrapped around the tooth of a wild boar.

 

Tsou Musicians

(Musical Instruments: Jew's Harp, mouth bow, Nose Flute)

(Image from Vintage Formosa)

 

The Jew's harp, jaw harp, mouth harp, or Ozark harp is thought to be one of the oldest musical instruments in the world; a musician apparently playing it can be seen in a Chinese drawing from the 3rd century BC. Despite its common English name, and the sometimes used Jew's trump, it has no particular connection with Judaism. This instrument is native to Asia and used in all tribes of Turkish people in Asia. Mostly called as temir komuz, agiz komuzu or gubuz.

The instrument is a lamellophone, which is in the category of plucked idiophones: it consists of a flexible metal or bamboo tongue or reed attached to a frame. On the other hand, the jew's harp belongs to the aerophones, together with the wind instruments and the instruments of the accordion type: In this class of instruments the sound is generated by a vibrating air column (flutes etc.) or by a stream of air stimulated to sound by a reed (harmonica, accordion, jew's harp). The tongue/reed is placed in the performer's mouth and plucked with the finger to produce a note. The frame is held firmly against the performer's parted front teeth, using the jaw (thus "jaw harp") and mouth as a resonator, greatly increasing the volume of the instrument. The teeth must be parted sufficiently for the reed to vibrate freely ,and the fleshy parts of the mouth should not come into contact with the reed to prevent damping of the vibrations. The note thus produced is constant in pitch, though by changing the shape of his or her mouth and the amount of air contained in it the performer can cause different overtones to sound and thus create melodies. The volume of the note can be varied by breathing in and out. A helpful practice is to shape your vocal cords as if to say "ear of corn" repeatedly, until you learn how to further vary the pitch.

Since trances are facilitated by droning sounds, the Jew's harp has been associated with magic and has been a common instrument in shamanic rituals.

 

* The Prehistory of the Daic (Taikadai) Speaking Peoples and the Hypothesis of an Austronesian Connection by Roger Blench

Excerpt: The Jews’ harp is a plucked aerophone found across Eurasia from Korea to the British Isles. However, it takes a particular form in the East Asian region, which is quite exceptional. It has multiple tongues, which enable the player to produce a variety of fundamentals and thus to develop relatively complex melodies. It also has a highly restricted distribution, being known only on Taiwan and in South China. Speakers of Austronesian languages on Taiwan developed some unusual types with multiple tongues, which made possible various types of speech-imitation (Li Hwei 1956; Ling 1961; Lenherr 1967; Wu 1994; Hsu 2002). Such types are also widespread in South China (Yuan Bingchang & Mao Jizeng 1986: ill. following p. 240). There is additional common feature to Taiwan and the mainland, the use of these Jews’ harps in courtship rituals. The tonal nature of these languages makes possible ‘talking’, speech-imitation, where the changing pitches of a melody mimic those of speech-tones. The extreme organological specificity of this instrument and its restricted occurrence together with an extremely similar context of use, point strongly to a connection between the two regions.

 

The musical bow is a simple string musical instrument consisting of a string supported by a flexible string bearer, usually made out of wood. Often, it is a normal archery bow used for music rather than as a weapon.

Although the bow is now thought of as a weapon, it is not clear whether it was used in this way originally. Cave paintings in southern France dated to around 15,000 BC, show a bow being used as a musical instrument, so this use certainly has a long history. Musical bows are still used in a number of cultures today, almost all over the world. The berimbau, a musical bow from Brazil, is quickly gaining players worldwide as a result of its association with the game of capoeira. In the United States, the musical bow was apparently introduced by African slaves. Today, it is primarily found in the Appalachian Mountains, where it is called a mouthbow or mouth bow.

The usual way to make the bow sound is to pluck the string, although sometimes a subsidiary bow is used to scrape the string, much as on a violin. The Onavillu of Karnataka sounds when struck with a thin stick. Unlike string instruments used in classical music, however, they do not have a built-in resonator, although resonators may be made to work with the bow in a number of ways.

 

The nose flute is a popular musical instrument played in Polynesia and the Pacific Rim countries. Other versions are found in Africa, China and India.

Historically, in New Zealand, the Māori had no naturally occurring native bamboo, so some of their nose flutes, called nguru, were carved from a soft stone, similar to soapstone. Wood, bone, and various kinds of ivory could also be used to make the nguru, often with very elaborate carvings, befitting what was considered a sacred object. With modification, a transitional "nguru" could also be played with the mouth, instead of the nose.

In the Philippines the pitung ilong (flute nose in Tagalog), or the kalaleng of the northern Bontok people, is played with the extreme forward edge of the right or left nostril. Because the kalaleng is long and has a narrow internal diameter, it is easy to play different harmonics through overblowing - even with the rather weak force of the air from one nostril. Thus, this nose flute can play notes in a range of two and a half octaves. Finger holes in the side of the bamboo tube change the operating length, giving various scales.

 

Alishan Aborigines

 

 

Images from Digital Archives

特富野社祭儀之舞蹈部分

 

鄒族Saviki社女子

A moccasin is a shoe made of deerskin or other soft leather, consisting of a sole and sides made of one piece of leather, stitched together at the top, and sometimes with a vamp (additional panel of leather). The sole is soft and flexible and the upper part often is adorned with embroidery or beading, et cetera. Historically, it is the footwear of many Native American tribes; moreover, hunters, traders, and European settlers wore them. Etymologically, the moccasin derives from the Algonquian language Powhatan word makasin (cognate to Massachusett mohkisson / mokussin, Ojibwa makizin, Mi'kmaq m'kusun), and from the Proto-Algonquian word *maxkeseni (shoe).

* Tsou Leather Shoes from Digital Museum of Taiwan

 

鄒族Saviki社著盛裝男子

 

南鄒族沙阿魯阿（Hla'alua）人Gani社男士

 

 

Images from The Gerald Warner Taiwan Image Collection

Tsou Elder in Traditional Hat and Clothing

 

Man and Woman Playing Musical Instruments, Tsou Tribe

(Musical Instruments: mouth bow, Jew's Harp)

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* Alishan's Pnguu--An Alternative Travel Destination by Chang Chiung-fang

Excerpt: In the Tsou language, "Tsou" means "humans." In addition to being blessed with beautiful natural surroundings, Pnguu (來吉村) is rich in another precious resource-her people.

If you want to see beautiful young women or strapping young men, Pnguu won't let you down. During the period of Dutch occupation, the Tsou people "mixed" with the Dutch. As a result, the Tsou are the most beautiful of Taiwan's indigenous peoples and according to many, the Tsou living in Pnguu are the most attractive.

After he arrived in Formosa, the Netherlands Trade and Investment Office representative to Taiwan, Menno Goedhart, discovered that Taiwan's Rukai and Tsou Tribes had descendents with Dutch blood, with the Tsou having the most. Members of the Tsou tribe told him that as many as half of their people had some Dutch blood.

From children playing along the road and youngsters of marriageable age to middle aged individuals already mothers and fathers themselves, all of the residents of Pnguu have breathtakingly large, deep eyes and high, straight noses.

Director Wei Te-sheng, who became a household name when his movie Cape No. 7 became a smash hit last year, visited a number of villages recently while on his quest to find a leading male for Seediq Bale, a film about indigenous people. Men of the Tsou Tribe were rejected as being "too beautiful and not meeting the director's ideals of a rough-looking hero."

 

 

* 台灣人身世之謎，荷蘭人台灣尋根，沈建德教授指引迷經。自由時報 by 郭芷瑄

Excerpt: "胡浩德來台後，發現在台灣有荷蘭人和原住民的後裔，於是他走訪各族，到目前為止，他發現到的是鄒族和魯凱族還有荷蘭人與原住民所生的後裔，鄒族最多，胡浩德說，鄒族人告訴他，約有一半的鄒族人是荷蘭人後裔，他說，鄒族人的長相確實有西方人的臉譜，鼻子大大的。

荷蘭駐台代表胡浩德上屏東霧台「認親」，因山上魯凱族大頭目家有荷蘭血統。其實全台各地都有，因荷據時在歐洲各國僱傭兵來台，條件是須娶台灣女子，胡浩德有得忙。"

 

* Tsou: Introduction to the Ethnic Group by Digital Museum of Taiwan Indigeneous Peoples

Excerpt: Under the Dutch occupation, the earliest record about the three “Tsou” groups was written, describing a local meeting under the command of the Dutch that was attended by ancestors of these three groups. This record provides evidence that, according to their oral history, there was contact between the Tsou and the Dutch in the Tainan area. Elders also emphasized that their ancestors had lived on the Tainan Plain but moved to the Alishan Mountain area due to the oppression of the Dutch (another version is that they were chasing game into the mountain area).

 

Coat of Arms of the Dutch East India Company

Dutch Formosa refers to the period of colonial Dutch government on Formosa (now known as Taiwan), lasting from 1624 to 1662. In the context of the Age of Discovery the Dutch East India Company established its presence on Taiwan to trade with China and Japan, and also to interdict Portuguese and Spanish trade and colonial activities in East Asia.

One of the key pillars of the Dutch colonial era was conversion of the natives to Christianity. From the descriptions of the early missionaries, the native religion was animist in nature, in one case presided over by priestesses called Inibs.

The missionaries were also responsible for setting up schools in the villages under Dutch control, teaching not only the religion of the colonists but also other skills such as reading and writing. Prior to Dutch arrival the native inhabitants did not use writing, and the missionaries created a number of romanization schemes for the various Formosan languages. Experiments were made with teaching native children the Dutch language, however these were abandoned fairly rapidly after they failed to produce good results. At least one Formosan received an education in the Netherlands; he eventually married a Dutch woman and was apparently well integrated into Dutch society.

Today, Dutch legacy in Taiwan is visible in Anping District of Tainan City where the remains of their Castle Zeelandia are preserved, in Tainan City itself where their Fort Provintia is still the main structure of what is now called Red-topped Tower, and finally in Tamsui where Fort Anthonio (part of the Fort San Domingo museum complex) still stands as the best preserved Redoubt (minor fort) of the Dutch East India Company anywhere in the world.

* Dutch Formosa

* Taiwanese Aborigines: The European period

 

 

Dutch Pacification Campaign on Formosa

A Landdag meeting between the Dutch and Formosans

The Dutch Pacification Campaign on Formosa was a series of military actions and diplomatic moves undertaken in 1635 and 1636 by Dutch colonial authorities in Formosa (modern-day Taiwan), aimed at subduing hostile aborginal villages in the south-western region of the island. Prior to the campaign the Dutch had been in Formosa for eleven years, but did not control much of the island beyond their principal fortress at Tayouan (安平區), and an alliance with the town of Sinkan (新市鄉; Siraya Tribe). The other aboriginal villages in the area conducted numerous attacks on the Dutch and their allies, with the chief belligerents being the village of Mattau (麻豆鎮; Siraya Tribe), who in 1629 ambushed and slaughtered a group of sixty Dutch soldiers.

After receiving reinforcements from the colonial headquarters at Batavia, the Dutch launched an attack in 1635 and were able to crush opposition and bring the area around present-day Tainan fully under their control. After seeing Mattau and Soulang, the most powerful villages in the area, defeated so comprehensively, many other villages in the surrounding area came to the Dutch to seek peace and surrender sovereignty to the Europeans. Thus the Dutch were able to dramatically expand the extent of their territorial control in a short space of time, and avoid the need for further fighting. The end of the campaign came in February 1636, when representatives from twenty-eight villages attended a ceremony in Tayouan to cement Dutch sovereignty.

Solidifying the southwest under their rule, the Dutch were able to expand their operations from the limited entrepôt trading carried out by the colony prior to 1635. The expanded territory allowed access to the deer trade, which later became very lucrative, and guaranteed security in food supplies. It provided fertile land, which the Dutch used imported Chinese labour to farm. The aboriginal villages also provided warriors to aid the Dutch in times of trouble, notably in the Lamey Island Massacre (小琉球) of 1636, the Dutch defeat of the Spanish in 1642 and the Guo Huaiyi Rebellion in 1652. The allied villages also provided opportunities for the Dutch missionaries to spread their faith. The pacification campaign is considered the foundation stone on which the later success of the colony was built.

Background: The Dutch East India Company (VOC) arrived in southern Formosa in 1624 and, after building their stronghold of Fort Zeelandia on the peninsula of Tayouan, began to sound out local villages as to the possibility of forming alliances. Although initially the intention was to run the colony solely as an entrepôt (a trading port), the Dutch later decided that they needed control over the hinterland to provide some security. Additionally, a large percentage of supplies for the Dutch colonists had to be shipped from Batavia at great expense and irregular intervals, and the government of the fledgling colony was keen to source foodstuffs and other supplies locally. The Company decided to ally with the closest village, the relatively small Sinkan, who were able to supply them firewood, venison and fish. However, relations with the other villages were not so friendly. The aboriginal settlements of the area were involved in more or less constant low-level warfare with each other (head-hunting raids and looting of property), and an alliance with Sinkan put the Dutch at odds with the foes of that village. In 1625 the Dutch bought a piece of land from the Sinkaners for the sum of fifteen cangans (a kind of cloth), where they then built the town of Sakam for Dutch and Chinese merchants.

Initially other villages in the area, chiefly Mattau, Soulang (佳里鎮; Siraya Tribe) and Bakloan (安定鄉; Siraya Tribe, Tackalan branch), also professed their desire to live in peace with the Dutch. The villages saw that it was in their interest to maintain good relations with the newcomers, but this belief was weakened by a series of incidents between 1625 and 1629. The earliest of these was a Dutch attack on Chinese pirates in the bay of Wancan, not far from Mattau, in 1625. The pirates were able to drive off the Dutch soldiers, causing the Dutch to lose face among the Formosan villages. Encouraged by this Dutch failure, warriors from Mattau raided Sinkan, believing the Dutch too weak to defend their Formosan friends. At this point, the Dutch returned to Wancan and this time were able to rout the pirates, restoring their reputation. Mattau was then forced by the colonials to return the property stolen from Sinkan and make reparations in the form of two pigs. The peace was short-lived, however, because in November 1626 the villagers of Sinkan attacked Mattau and Bakloan, before running to the Dutch to ask for protection from retribution. Although the Dutch were able to force Sinkan's enemies to back down in this case, in later incidents they proved incapable of fully protecting their Formosan allies.

Frustrated by the inability of the Dutch to protect them, the Sinkan villagers turned to Japanese traders, who were not on friendly terms with the VOC. In 1627 a delegation from the village visited Japan in order to ask for Japanese protection and to offer sovereignty to the Japanese Shōgun Tokugawa Iemitsu. The Shōgun refused them an audience, but on their return to Formosa the Sinkan villagers, along with their erstwhile foes from Mattau, Bakloan and Soulang, went to Governor Nuyts to demand that the company pay an annual tribute to the villages for operating on their land. The Governor refused. Soon after, the Japanese isolationist policy of sakoku removed Japanese support for the Formosans, leaving Sinkan once more at the mercy of its rivals, prompting missionary George Candidius to write that "this village Sinkan has been until now under Dutch protection, and without this protection it would not stand for even a month." In 1629 however the Dutch were unable to defend either themselves or their allies. Governor Nuyts went to Mattau on an official (friendly) visit with a guard of sixty musketeers, who were fêted on their arrival. After leaving the village the next morning, the musketeers were ambushed while crossing a stream and slaughtered to a man, by warriors of both Mattau and Soulang. The Governor had a lucky escape as he had returned to Fort Zeelandia the previous evening.

Shortly after the massacre Governor Nuyts was recalled by the VOC Governor-General in Batavia for various offences, including responsibility for the souring of relations with the Japanese. Hans Putmans replaced Nuyts as Governor, and immediately wanted to attack the ringleaders in Mattau, but the village was judged too strong to assault directly. Therefore the Dutch moved against the weaker Bakloan, who they believed sheltered proponents of the massacre, setting out on 23 November 1629 and returning later that day "having killed many people and burned most of the village." The Bakloan villagers sued for peace, and Mattau too signed a nine-month peace accord with the company. However in the years that followed, the Mattau, Bakloan and Soulang villagers continued a concerted campaign to harass employees of the Company, particularly those who were rebuilding structures destroyed by the Mattauers in Sakam. The situation showed no signs of improvement for the Dutch, until relations between Mattau and Soulang soured in late 1633 and early 1634. The two villages went to war in May 1634, and although Mattau won the fight, the Company was happy to see divisions among the villages which it felt it could exploit.

Dutch Retaliation: Although both Governor Nuyts and subsequently Governor Putmans wanted to move against Mattau, the garrison at Fort Zeelandia numbered only 400, of which 210 were soldiers – not enough to undertake a major campaign without leaving the Dutch fortress guard under-strength. After persistent unheeded requests from the two Governors, in 1635 Batavia finally sent a force of 475 soldiers to Taiwan, to "avenge the murder of the expeditionary force against Mattau in 1629, to increase the prestige of the Company, and to obtain the respect and authority, necessary for the protection of the Chinese who had come all the way from China, to cultivate the land."

By this stage relations with the other villages had also deteriorated to the extent that even Sinkan, previously thought to be tightly bound to the Dutch, was plotting rebellion. The missionary Robert Junius, who lived among the natives, wrote that "rebels in Sinkan have conspired against our state . . . and [are planning] to murder and beat to death the missionaries and soldiers in Sinkan." The Governor in Tayouan moved quickly to quell the uprising, sending eighty soldiers to the village and arresting some of the key conspirators. With potential disaster averted in Sinkan, the Dutch were further encouraged by the news that Mattau and Soulang, their principal enemies, were being ravaged by smallpox, whereas Sinkan, now back under Dutch control, was spared the disease - this being viewed as a divine sign that the Dutch were righteous.

On 22 November 1635 the newly arrived forces set out for Bakloan, headed by Governor Putmans. Missionary Junius joined him with a group of native warriors from Sinkan, who had been persuaded to take part by the clergyman in order to further good relations between themselves and the VOC. The plan was initially to rest there for the night, before attacking Mattau the next morning, but the Dutch forces received word that the Mattau villagers had learned of their approach and planned to flee. They therefore decided to press on and attack that evening, succeeding in surprising the Mattau warriors and subduing the village without a fight. The Dutch summarily executed 26 men of the village, before setting fire to the houses and returning to Bakloan.

On the way back to Fort Zeelandia, the troops stopped in Bakloan, Sinkan and Sakam, at each step warning the chiefs of the village of the price of angering the VOC, and obtaining guarantees of friendly conduct in the future. The village of Soulang sent two representatives to the Dutch while they were resting in Sinkan, offering a spear and a hatchet as a symbol that they would ally their forces to the Dutch. Also present with offers of friendship were men from Tevorang, a collection of three villages in the hills previously outside Dutch influence. Finally two chiefs from Mattau arrived, kow-towing to the Dutch officials and wishing to sue for peace.

The aborigines signalled their surrender by sending a few of their best weapons to the Dutch, and then by bringing a small tree (often betel nut) planted in earth from their village as a token of the granting of sovereignty to the VOC. Over the next few months as word of the Dutch victory spread, more and more villages came to pay their respects at Fort Zeelandia and assure the VOC of their friendly intentions. However, the new masters of Mattau also inherited their enemies, with both Favorlang (虎尾鎮; Babuza Tribe) and Tirosen ( 嘉義市; Hoanya Tribe) expressing hostility towards the VOC in the wake of their victory.

After the victory over Mattau the Governor decided to make use of the soldiers to cow other recalcitrant villages, starting with Taccariang, who had previously killed both VOC employees and Sinkan villagers. The villagers first fought with the Sinkanders who were acting as a vanguard, but on receiving a volley from the Dutch musketeers the Taccariang warriors turned and fled. The VOC forces entered the village unopposed, and burnt it to the ground. From Taccariang they moved on to Soulang, where they arrested warriors who had participated in the 1629 massacre of sixty Dutch soldiers and torched their houses. The last stop on the campaign trail was Tevorang (玉井鄉; Tsou Tribe), which had previously sheltered wanted men from other villages. This time the Governor decided to use the carrot rather than the stick, offering gifts and assurances of friendship, with the consequences of resistance left implicit. The Tevorangans took the hint, and offered no opposition to Dutch rule.

Pax Hollandica: On hearing of the Dutch show of force, aboriginal tribes from further afield decided to submit to Dutch rule, either through fear of Dutch military might or hope that such an alliance would prove beneficial to the tribe. Representatives came from Pangsoia, 100 km to the south, to ally themselves with the VOC. The Dutch decided to hold a Landdag (a grand convention) to welcome all the villages into the fold and impress them with Dutch largesse and power. This duly took place on 22 February 1636, with 28 villages represented from southern and central Formosa. The Governor presented the attendees with robes and staffs of State to symbolise their position, and Robert Junius wrote that "it was delightful to see the friendliness of these people when they met for the first time, to notice how they kissed each other and gazed at one another. Such a thing had never before been witnessed in this country, as one tribe was nearly always waging war against another."

The net effect of the Dutch campaign was a pax hollandica (Dutch peace), assuring VOC control in the southwest of the island. The Dutch called their new area of control the Verenigde Dorpen (United Villages), a deliberate allusion to the United Provinces of their homeland. The campaign was vital to the success and growth of the Dutch colony, which had operated as more of a trading post than a true colony until that point.

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* 從醫學資料看臺灣的族群融合 by 陳順勝

6,000年前 南島語族遷移來臺灣發展族群：泰雅族、鄒族、賽夏、巴則海、洪雅族 　

5,000年前 排灣族群：排灣、卑南、魯凱族群遺址 (卑南遺址) 　

2,000年前 凱達格蘭族遷回臺灣

1,500年前 阿美族在靜浦─靜浦文化，鐵器時代 　

1,000年前 猴猴族遷回臺灣或由泰雅族分出(？) 　　

500年前 雅美族由菲律賓巴丹島移居蘭嶼

 

* Genetic Affinities Between the Yami Tribe People of Orchid Island and the Philippine Islanders of the Batanes Archipelago by Jun-Hun Loo, et al.

Phylogenetic Tree of Populations of Taiwan, ISEA and MSEA Using mtDNA Haplogroup Frequencies (Fst distances) and Y-STR Haplotypes Frequencies

 

* The Biological Evidence of the San-pau-chi People and Their Affinities by Hsiu-Man Lin

Excerpt: A variety of genetic studies of mtDNA in Taiwan indigenous peoples have been conducted in the past decade (e.g., Sykes et al. 1995, Lin et al. 2000, Lin et al. 2005, Tajima et al. 2003, Trejaut et al. 2005, Yan 2006, Zhang 2004), and they have identified substantial haplogroup frequency variation. For instance, 80% of the people from populations in north and central Taiwan (Atayal, Saiaiat, and Bunun) belong to mtDNA haplogroups B4b, B5a2, E, F4b, and M7b; populations from north-central Taiwan (Tsou and Saisiat) are highest in B5a2; 72.2% of the members of populations from south and southeast Taiwan are characterized by haplogroups B4a, D5, F3b, M7c, and N9a; Amis and three southernmost populations of indigenous Taiwan are restricted to D5 lineages (Trejaut et al. 2005). Additionally, Tajima and colleagues (2003) examined mtDNA mutations characteristic of the “Polynesian Motif” which are located at nucleotides 16217, 16247, and 16261 (Melton et al. 1995, Redd et al. 1995) in indigenous Taiwanese and they found that they carry one (T16217C in cluster C7) or two (T16217C and C16261Tin C8) “Polynesian Motif” mutations, but the A16247G mutation has not been observed among these peoples.

 

A Neighbor-Joining Tree by HV1

 

* Recent Anthropological Genetic Study of Taiwan Indigenous Populations by Shu-Juo Chen, et al.

Y-chromosome Haplotype Frequency Distribution in Asian and Oceanic Populations

Populations	N	H1	H2	H3	H4	H5	H6	H7	H8	H9	H10	H11	H12	H14	H16	H17
Bunun	17					5.9				17.6	58.8		17.6
Atayal	22						4.5			95.5
Yami	7							14.3		71.4	14.3
Paiwan	22								9.1	63.6	27.3
Ami	19							31.6	5.3	36.8	26.3
Puyuma	11							9.1		72.7	9.1			9.1
Tsou	18							5.6		88.9	5.6
Rukai	11									81.8	18.2
Saisiat	11							27.3		45.5	9.1	9.1	9.1
Thao	11					9.1		9.1		72.7	9.1
Pazah	11					18.2		27.3		18.2	36.4

 

The Phylogeny of Y-chromosome Haplotypes in East Asians (H1-H17) from Natives or Immigrants: Modern human origin in east Asia by Li Jin and Bing Su

 

* An Anthropological Genetic Study of Taiwan Aborigines Using Y-Chromosome-Specific Microsatellite Variation by 朱家琳

Abstract: This study analyzed the genetic variation of seven Y-chromosomal microsatellite loci (DYS19, DYS388, DYS389, DYS390, DYS391, DYS392 and DYS393) of 240 unrelated male individuals from eight Taiwan aboriginal populations (Atayal, Amis, Bunun, Paiwan, Puyuma, Rukai, Saisiat and Tsou) to investigate genetic affinities among these populations and their population history. A total of 79 different haplotypes among 240 males were observed in the study, of which 51 (65%) were each found in a single male only, and 13 (16%) were shared between populations. Analysis of gene diversity indicated that several studied populations have experienced substantial genetic isolation with a reduction in male effective sizes, or have suffered bottlenecks in the past (e.g. Paiwan, Bunun, Tsou and Atayal). All the haplotypes were divided into three main subgroups based on stepwise mutation model. Furthermore, the studied populations were categorized by their predominant haplotypes. According to their haplotype distributions, these eight populations were divided into four groups: (1) Paiwan, Rukai and Puyuma (2) Atayal, Bunun and Tsou (3) Amis and (4) Saisiat. st statistics identified close genetic affinities among the populations in group 1. On the other hand, that the allelic and haplotype distributions of the populations in group 2 were distinct from each other, which suggested that gene flow among these neighboring populations were limited. It is not easy to analyze the genetic variation of Saisiat and Amis because of their complex haplotype distributions. The special allelic distribution of Amis might result from more than one bottleneck occurred in the past or genetic admixture of more than one populations.

 

* A Comparative Study of Sakizaya and Amis in Hualien by Mitochondrial DNA Sequences Analysis by Li-huang Tsai

NJ Tree

 

UPGMA Tree

 

* Mitochondrial DNA Polymorphisms in Nine Aboriginal Groups of Taiwan: Implications for the population history of aboriginal Taiwanese by A. Tajima, et al.

Abstract: Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) polymorphisms in the D-loop region and the intergenic COII/tRNA(Lys) 9-bp deletion were examined in 180 individuals from all nine aboriginal Taiwanese groups: Atayal, Saisiat, Bunun, Tsou, Rukai, Paiwan, Ami, Puyuma, and Yami. A comparison of 563-bp sequences showed that there were 61 different sequence types, of which 42 types were specific to respective aboriginal groups. D-loop sequence variation and phylogenetic analysis enabled the 180 aboriginal lineages to be classified into eight monophyletic clusters (designated C1-C8). Phylogeographic analysis revealed that two (C2 and C4) of the eight clusters were new characteristic clusters of aboriginal Taiwanese and accounted for 8.3% and 13.9% of the aboriginal lineages, respectively. From the estimated coalescent times for the two unique clusters, the mtDNA lineages leading to such clusters were inferred to have been introduced into Taiwan approximately 11,000-26,000 years ago, suggesting ancient immigrations of the two mtDNA lineages. Genetic distances, based on net nucleotide diversities between populations, revealed three distinct clusters that were comprised of northern mountain (Atayal and Saisiat), southern mountain (Rukai and Paiwan), and middle mountain/east coast (Bunun, Tsou, Ami, Puyuma, and Yami) groups, respectively. Furthermore, phylogenetic analysis of 16 human populations (including six other Asian populations and one African population) confirmed that the three clusters for aboriginal Taiwanese had remained largely intact. Each of the clusters (north, south, and middle-east coast) was characterized by a high frequency of a particular lineage (C4, C2, and 9-bp deletion, respectively). This may result from random genetic drift among the aboriginal groups after a single introduction of all the mtDNA lineages into Taiwan, but another plausible explanation is that at least three genetically distinct ancestral populations have contributed to the maternal gene pool of aboriginal Taiwanese.

 

* Traces of Archaic Mitochondrial Lineages Persist in Austronesian-Speaking Formosan Populations by Jean A. Trejaut, et al.

Principal Components Analysis

 

* More Genetic Sharing among the Population of Taiwan than Expected: A plain tribes (Pinpu) perspective by Marie Lin, et al.

Mitochondrial DNA (Neighbor Joining Phylogram)

 

* Population Genetic Studies on Nine Aboriginal Ethnic Groups of Taiwan - Red Cell Enzyme Systems by Feng Jin, et al.

NJ Dendrogram

 

* Heterogeneity of Taiwan’s Indigenous Population: Possible relation to prehistoric Mongoloid dispersals by m. Lin, et al.

Neighbor-joining tree of Taiwan’s indigenous peoples, Asians, North American Indians and Oceanians

Taiwan’s indigenous groups were found clustering together and adjacent to Maori and PNG Highlanders. Pazeh showed affinity with ‘Taiwanese’ (Hoklo, Hakka)

 

* The GM Genetic Polymorphism in Taiwan Aborigines: New data revealing remarkable differentiation patterns
by Alicia Sanchez-Mazas, et al.

Multidimensional Scaling Analysis among 15 Populations from Taiwan and
China Based on the Frequencies of GM ± 23 Sub-haplotypes

Solid lines link populations that are undifferentiated at the 5% level according to an exact test of population differentiation. Dotted lines link populations that are undifferentiated at the 5% level according to a permutation test on pairwise Fst’s, but not to the exact test. Final stress = 0.041 (excellent). White circles: Sino-Tibetans; triangles: Austronesians from Taiwan; black circle: Extra-Formosan Austronesians.

Excerpt: The MDS (characterized by a very good stress value of 0.041) segregates four Northern and Central Han populations at the top, the Minnan from Taiwan in a central position, and the Southern Han from Guangzhou, the eight Austronesian populations from Taiwan and the extra-Formosan Yami at the bottom. The four Northern and Central Han populations are genetically linked to each other according to a pattern recalling their relative geographic position. The Minnan are genetically intermediate between the Northern and the Southern Han but are very distant from both groups and significantly differentiated from all populations. Within the last group, we observe three clusters of genetically related populations: the Atayal, Taroko and Tsou; the Pazeh, Siraya, Bunun and Puyuma; and the Ami and Yami. In addition, we find that the Southern Han from Guangzhou are genetically very close to the Taroko, Atayal and Tsou, from whom they are not differentiated significantly according to the permutation statistical test (dotted lines). Genetic relationships are also suggested between the Taroko and both the Siraya and Bunun, and between the Puyuma and the Ami according both to the permutation test and to their relative position in the MDS.

 

Multidimensional Scaling Analysis among 63 Populations from Southeast Asia
Excluding all Sino-Tibetans but the Southern Chinese (grouped)

The ‘mixed’ sample is composed of individuals from Fujian, Zhejiang, Jiangxi, and Hunan. ST-SC: Sino-Tibetan, Southern Chinese (Min, Xiang, Gan, Hakka, Yue); AA: Austroasiatic; KA: Tai-Kadai; AN-EF: Extra-Formosan Austronesian; AN-TW: Autronesian from Taiwan; HM: Hmong-Mien.

Excerpt: As opposed to the Ami, two groups of Taiwanese populations are characterized by a high level of gene diversity, but distinct genetic profiles. On one hand, the Pazeh, Siraya and Bunun (plus Saisiat, when only broad GM haplotypes are considered) exhibit several haplotypes with middling frequencies, i.e. GM*1,3;– ;5*, GM*1,2,17;21, and GM*1,17;10,11,13,15,16. We observe a genetic continuity between these populations and the Puyuma and Ami, with a loss of diversity in the latter. On the other hand, the Atayal, Taroko and Tsou show GM*1,2,17;21 at a relatively high frequency, in addition to GM*1,3;23;5*. Atayal and Taroko populations also share a rare haplotype, GM*1;23;21, while the Tsou, with only two haplotypes, exhibit a much lower genetic diversity (Plate 13.Ib). The two groups of populations described above could represent the descendents of an initial split of Austronesian populations into two primary branches: Atayal- Tsouic versus the rest of Austronesian. However the chances that the similarity we observe between speakers of Atayalic languages (Atayal and Taroko) and the Tsou are due to independent parallel developments are significant, because the Tsou basically have only two haplotypes, which are also present, albeit at lower frequencies, among the Siraya and other populations. The location of the Tsou in the midst of Taiwan’s central mountain range is conducive to genetic drift, which could also account for the simplification of a Siraya-type profile into a Tsou-type profile.

 

* HLA Genetic Diversity and Linguistic Variation in East Asia by Alicia Sanchez-Mazas, et al.

Multidimensional Analysis (MDS) of Asian Populations Based on the HLADRB1 Allelic Polymorphism

AL: Altaic; AN (EF): Austronesian (Extra-Formosan); AN (TA): Austronesian (from Taiwan); AU: Austroasiatic; CK: Chukchi-Kamchatkan; EA: Eskimo-Aleut; GI: Gilyak; IEUY: Indo-European and Uralic-Yukaghir; KA: Tai-Kadai; SI: Sinitic; ST: Sino-Tibetan (here only Sinitic). Chinese (1): Northern Chinese; Chinese (2): Southern Chinese.

 

* Population Genetic Studies on Nine Aboriginal Ethnic Groups of Taiwan II. Serum Protein Systems by Isao Yuasa, et al.

NJ Trees for the Nine Aboriginal Groups of Taiwan and Eight Other Populations Based on Ds (A) and Dc (B) Distance Matrix

 

* A Study of the Genetic Relationships Among Aboriginal Populations in Taiwan ：Comparison of Pseudogene Sequences on Autosomal Chormorsome

UPGMA Tree

(P-Puyuma, Ta-Atayal, S-Saisiat, T-Tsou, R-Rukai, Pai-Paiwan, H-Taiwan Han, A-Amis, B-Bunun)

 

NJ Tree

 

* A Homeland or Hostland? The power and challenges of genetic studies on Austronesian’s expansion by Mutsu Hsu and Shu-Juo Chen

Neighbor-joining Tree of Taiwan AN Populations, East Asians, Southeast Asians and Other Populations Worldwide (from Chu et al. 2001)

 

Neighbor-joining (NJ) Tree for the Nine Taiwan AN Populations and Other Asian and African Populations (from Tajima et al. 2003)

Ami showed difference with other eight populations (including Yami)

 

 

HLA-B39

HLA-B39 (B39) is a split antigen of the broad antigen B16, and is a sister type of B38. B39 is most commonly found on the west Pacific Rim, in Japan and highest frequency in the New World. In Europe it is found in Scandinavia and Northern Russia.

B39 is suggested as a factor in Takayasu's arteritis and gallstones in Mexico. Osteoarticular complications of brucellosis appear to be associated with B39. An association with spondylarthropathies and psoriatic arthritis was observed in several studies. Psoriatic arthritis appears to be linked to MICA-A9 which tightly linked to HLA-B39. B39 also appears to be involved in the Fishers syndrome variant of Guillain-Barré syndrome.

 

HLA B*3901 Frequencies

Population	Freq (%)
Taiwan Saisiat	54.9
Taiwan Tsou	24.5
South Dakota Lakota Sioux	22.5
Taiwan Taroko	21.8
Taiwan Atayal	19.8
PNG Wanigela	16.7
Japan Ainu Hokkaido	16.0
Taiwan Bunun	14.9
New Mexico Canoncito Navajo	14.6
Taiwan Thao	13.3
Taiwan Rukai	13.0
Taiwan Ami	10.2
Papua New Guinea Wosera	7.0
Papua New Guinea Madang	6.4
Mexico Mixtec Oaxaca	5.9
Taiwan Puyuma	5.0
Taiwan Paiwan	4.9
New Caledonia	4.8
Japan Central	4.4
American Samoa	4.0
USA North American Natives	4.0
Taiwan Hakka	3.6

 

Lakota Sioux

Sitting Bull

The Lakota (alsoTeton, Tetonwan, Teton Sioux) are a Native American tribe. They are part of a confederation of seven related Sioux tribes (the Oceti Sakowin or seven council fires) and speak Lakota, one of the three major dialects of the Sioux language.

The Lakota are the western-most of the three Sioux groups, occupying lands in both North and South Dakota. The seven branches or "sub-tribes" of the Lakota are Sicangu, Oglala, Itazipco, Hunkpapa, Miniconjou, Sihasapa, and Ooinunpa.

Notable persons include Sitting Bull from the Hunkpapa band and Crazy Horse, Red Cloud, Black Elk and Billy Mills from the Oglala band as well as Touch the Clouds.

The Lakota were originally referred to as the Dakota when they lived by the Great Lakes, however, because of European settlement they were pushed away from the great lakes region and later called themselves the Lakota which became part of the Sioux. After their adoption of the horse, their society centered on the buffalo hunt with the horse. There were 20,000 Lakota in the mid-18th century. The number has now increased to about 70,000, of whom about 20,500 speak the Lakota language.

Independence Movement: Beginning in 1974, some Lakota activists have taken steps to become independent from the United States, an attempt to form their own nation. These steps have included drafting their own "declaration of continuing independence" and using Constitutional and International Law to solidify their legal standing.

A 1980 U.S. Supreme Court decision awarded $122 million to eight tribes of Sioux Indians as compensation, but the court did not award land. The Lakota have refused the settlement.

In September 2007, the United Nations passed a non-binding Resolution on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Canada, the United States, Australia and New Zealand refused to sign

* Videos: Sitting Bull - 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6

 

Navajo

Manuelito

The Navajo or Diné of the Southwestern United States are the second largest Native American tribe of Northern America. In the 2000 U.S. census, 298,197 people claimed to be fully or partly of Navajo ancestry. The Navajo Nation constitutes an independent governmental body which manages the Navajo Indian reservation in the Four Corners area of the United States. The traditional Navajo language is still largely spoken throughout the region. Navajo refer to themselves in their native language as Diné, which is translated as "the People" in English.

Conflict with Europeans: The Spanish started to establish a military force along the Rio Grande in the 17th century to the east of Dinetah (the Navajo homeland). The Spaniards and later Mexicans recorded what are called punitive expeditions among the Navajo that also took livestock and human captives. The Navajo in turn raided settlements far away in a similar manner.

Officially, the Navajos first came in contact with forces of the United States of America in 1846 when General Stephen W. Kearny invaded Santa Fe with 1,600 men during the Mexican American War. The Navajo did not recognize the change of government as legitimate. In September, Kearny sent two detachments to raid and subdue the Navajo. Kearny later took 300 men on an expedition to California from Santa Fe.

In 1861 Brigadier-General James H. Carleton, the new commander of the Federal District of New Mexico, initiated a series of military actions against the Navajo. Colonel Kit Carson was ordered by Carleton to conduct expedition into Navajoland and receive their surrender on July 20, 1863. A few Navajo surrendered. Carson was joined by a large group of New Mexican militia volunteer citizens and these forces moved through Navajo land killing Navajos and destroying any Navajo crops, livestock or dwellings they came across. Facing starvation, Navajos groups started to surrender in what is known as The Long Walk.

* Videos: The Navajo, Navajo Language: From Past to Present

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鄒族

阿里山蕃的少女們，鄒族, 1900年

鄒族（Tsou；Cou）也稱為曹族，傳統語言為鄒語，為台灣原住民族的一支，分布於南投縣、嘉義縣和高雄縣境內，人口約7,116人（內政部1998年統計）。

分布

鄒族又可分為南鄒與北鄒，南鄒指的是高雄縣那瑪夏鄉及桃源鄉的「卡那卡那富」與「沙阿魯阿」族，北鄒又稱「阿里山鄒」，有「特富野」、「達邦」、「伊姆諸」與「魯富都」社，而四社中的伊姆諸社與魯富都社都於廿世紀初因惡疾、部落首長絕嗣而廢社。阿里山鄒族目前有八個村落，來吉、樂野附屬於特富野社。新美、茶山、山美、里佳附屬於達邦社。南北鄒三個族群的語言互不相通。

社會組織

鄒族人的觀念裡擁有會所、能夠舉行全部落性祭儀的社群才有資格稱為大社，也才是一個完整的政治實體。其社會組織可以分為以下幾個部份：

鄒族並沒有階級制度，卻有幾個特殊地位的人物：

鄒族的集會場所稱為「Kuba（庫巴）」，但僅該部落之男性可以進入，非該部落者及女性皆不得進入。沙阿魯阿族的男子聚會所稱為「Tapulailia」。

祭儀

鄒族部落中最重要的祭儀為「播種祭」、「homeyaya （小米收穫祭）」與「mayasvi （瑪雅士比）」三大祭儀。 鄒族一年一度的mayasvi （瑪雅士比），目前分由達邦及特富野分別舉行祭典儀式，mayasvi又譯為戰祭。 沙阿魯阿族最重要的祭儀是「miatungusu（貝神祭）」，沒有鄒族的「mayasvi（戰祭）」。

鄒族名人

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湯蘭花

湯蘭花（1951年－），台灣原住民藝人，屬於鄒族，於嘉義縣阿里山鄉來吉村出生，本名優路那那丹妮芙（Yurunana Daniiv）。1980年代早期曾活躍於東南亞及香港，其後回到台灣發展。不過，過往湯蘭花並沒有強調其原住民的背景。

簡歷

十七歲初上台北，參加台視第二屆歌唱比賽並榮獲冠軍；十八歲以電影《負心的人》一炮而紅，由其擔綱演出之電影共計三十五部，灌錄電影主題曲及唱片十餘張，於二十五歲與應家東結婚並退出影壇。 1979年復出，在香港、東南亞各地演唱。 1982年返台，拍攝電視連續劇《一代佳人》，一連幾檔戲包括《藍與黑》、《楊貴妃》等，都創下口碑和收視佳績。

作品列表

1. 大紐約華埠風雲 (1985)
2. 黃禍 (1984)
3. 馬後砲 (1984)
4. 中國女兵 (1981)
5. 半夜人 (1981)
6. 最後的一吻 (1975)
7. 無奇不有 (1975)
8. 吾家有女惹人迷 (1974)
9. 星星星 (1974)
10. 女權步步高 (1974)
11. 愛情集中營 (1974)
12. 刁蠻千金傻小子 (1974)
13. 雪花片片 (1974)
14. 一家人 (1973)
15. 負心的人續集 (1973)
16. 煙雨斜陽 (1973)
17. 雙鳳飛 (1973)
18. 淘氣夫妻 (1972)
19. 夢醒不了情 (1972)
20. 相逄不是夢 (1972)
21. 淘氣姑娘 (1971)
22. 俠義雙雄 (1971)
23. 難忘負心人 (1971)
24. 金玫瑰 (1971)
25. 五對佳偶 (1971)
26. 太太我錯了 (1971)
27. 不平凡的愛 (1971)
28. 水長流 (1970)
29. 苦情花 (1970)
30. 我還是永遠愛著你 (1969)
31. 負心的人 (1969)

 

Songs

• 一代佳人 (video)
• 守候著你 (video)
• 勿忘我 (video)
• 我往那裡去 (video)
• 青青河畔草 (video)
• 我所擁有 (video)
• 負心的人 (video)
• 我還是永遠愛著你 (video)

 

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高慧君

高慧君（Gao, Hui-jun，1972年8月24日－），本名白芷．雅達烏尤安娜(鄒族語名 Paicʉ 意指天上的星星，姓 Yatauyungana 指祖先來自 Uyungana 地方)；台灣女歌手及演員，本籍台灣原住民鄒族，出生於嘉義縣阿里山鄉。其祖父高一生為台灣白色恐怖的受難者，妹妹為高蕾雅，台灣女歌手湯蘭花為其表姑，田麗為其遠房表姐。

因為在台中 Pub 駐唱，受到知名音樂人鈕大可的注意，而與寶麗金(後被環球所併購)唱片簽約，進入演藝圈。1998年與張學友合唱「你最珍貴」，成為 KTV 點唱排行榜的K歌第一名，也成為男女對唱的國歌，因此在演藝圈走紅。

精選集宣傳期之後，高慧君慢慢淡出歌唱事業，轉往戲劇圈發展。2007年，高慧君以美麗晨曦一片勇奪第42屆金鐘獎戲劇類節目最佳女主角獎，為高慧君從歌手轉型為演員後最重要的一項殊榮及肯定。

* Videos: 你最珍貴 - 張學友 & 高慧君, 忘了-高慧君,

 

 

[第20屆金曲獎入圍]鄒女在唱歌合輯

Videos: 取笑 (Tsou language), 高慧君 - 也不錯 (Mandarin), 拉娃辛逸 - 鄒族的天神 (Tsou language), 高蕾雅 - [山頂的貝殼] (Mandarin), 舌頭 - [草莓daumu] (Tsou language)

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高一生

高一生（1908年－1954年），阿里山（今嘉義縣阿里山鄉）鄒族人，族名Uyongu Yatauyungana。自幼天資聰穎，在阿里山的達邦蕃童教育所就學五年後轉入嘉義市區的小學，父親因討伐布農族有功而擔任警職，後因意外殉職。之後被台南州警部大塚久義所收養，並取日本名矢多一生。1924年保送台南師範，受普通科4年及演習科2年教育，在學時並已展露音樂與文學天份；於1927年6月協助經由日本來台的俄國語言學家聶甫斯基，從事一個多月(1927年7月及8月初)的田野鄒語調查，1930年畢業。畢業後回到部落擔任教師與警察職務，並帶領族人發展農業，栽種竹子等經濟作物。同時也創作多首歌曲，曾帶族人至台灣總督府公開演出「鹿狩り（打獵歌）」。

1945年擔任吳鳳鄉（今阿里山鄉）鄉長，兼任分駐所所長。並在同時改名高一生。1947年二二八事件 (228 massacre) 時發生阿里山原住民攻佔嘉義彈藥庫及嘉義機場，再退回山上的事件，高一生因此被捕入獄（攜帶回的槍械則在1950年繳回）。之後又因高一生曾收容當時被認為是中國共產黨的台南縣長袁國欽，因此在1951年被台省保安司令部指控「窩藏匪諜」及「貪污」的罪名，1952年被有關當局誘至竹崎鄉並遭到逮捕。1954年2月連同湯守仁等人以叛亂罪遭槍斃。其代表作有「春のさほ姫（春之佐保姬）」「鹿狩り（打獵歌）」「つつぢの山（杜鵑山）」「Bosifou ne Patungkuonu（登玉山歌）」等。其中，「春之佐保姬」是在獄中（台北青島東路看守所）思念妻子所作。作品並收錄為「春之佐保姬－高一生紀念專輯」。著名歌手高慧君為其孫女。

Videos: 春之佐保姬 (Japanese), 長春花 /狩獵歌 (Japanese), 邁向正常國家_杜鵑山的回憶 228插曲上舞台, 高一生 1/3, 2/3, 3/3,

 

鄒之春神: 高一生 by  高慧君/ 陳主惠

 

 

 

 

The 228 Massacre

The 228 Incident, also known as the 228 Massacre, was an anti-government uprising in Taiwan that began on February 27, 1947 and was violently suppressed by the Kuomintang (KMT) government. Estimates of the number of deaths vary from ten thousand to thirty thousand or more. The Incident marked the beginning of the Kuomintang's White Terror period in Taiwan, in which thousands more Taiwanese vanished, were killed, or imprisoned. The number "228" refers to the day the massacre began: February 28, or 02-28.

In 1945, 50 years of Japanese rule ended, and on October the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) handed administrative control of Taiwan as a province to the Kuomintang-administered Republic of China (ROC). But one year (16 months) of KMT administration led to the widespread impression that the party was plagued by nepotism, corruption, and economic failure. Tensions increased between Taiwanese and the ROC administration. The flashpoint came on February 27, in Taipei when a dispute between a female cigarette vendor and an officer of the Office of Monopoly triggered civil disorder and open rebellion that lasted for days. The uprising was violently put down by the military of the Republic of China.

The subject was officially taboo for decades. On the anniversary of the event in 1995, President Lee Teng-hui addressed the subject publicly, a first for a Taiwanese head of state. The event is now openly discussed and commemorated as Peace Memorial Day (和平纪念日), and details of the event have become the subject of investigation. Every February 28, Taiwan's president gathers with other officials to ring a commemorative bell in memory of the victims. The president bows to family members of 2-28 victims and gives each one a certificate officially declaring the family innocent of any crime. Monuments and memorial parks to the victims of 2-28 have been erected in a number of Taiwanese cities, including Kaohsiung and Taipei.

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湯守仁

湯守仁（1924年－1954年），台灣鄒族人，嘉義縣縣參議員，台灣二二八事件嘉義地區原住民反抗軍領袖，台灣白色恐怖時期受難者。

戰前: 於台灣日治時期生於阿里山鄉的湯守仁，本名湯川一丸，為二戰期間日本關東軍的基層軍官。1945年在東北被蘇聯軍隊所俘虜，戰後經日方營救後，升任為中尉。為該族當時位階最高的軍官。之後，台灣進入中華民國時期，湯守仁於1946年回台灣阿里山家鄉，並受聘為當地老師。

二二八事件: 1947年爆發二二八事件，他與吳鳳鄉(今阿里山鄉)長高一生，於3月7日率領數十名鄒族青年協助嘉義市市民對抗國民黨軍隊，除了攻下紅毛埤地區軍械庫外，並連同嘉義地區民兵圍攻嘉義水上機場。之後，因主張繼續對抗，與當時嘉義民兵意見分歧，湯守仁乃於3月10日率領鄒族部隊回山。二二八事件後，高一生、湯守仁被捕，因另一位未捲入事件的原住民領袖第一屆台灣省議員樂信‧瓦旦（泰雅族，漢名林瑞昌）極力力保，國民政府將湯守仁與高一生兩位開釋。

高砂族自治會: 1949年 ，湯守仁與陳顯富、簡吉、樂信‧瓦旦組織「高砂族自治會」（即「蓬萊族解放委員會」），該組織主張原住民高度自治，他並擔任該自治會軍事主委。1950年，他當選阿里山鄉代表，隨後並參選縣參議員獲得當選。同年10月該高砂族自治會被台灣政府所破獲，雖他交出武器並隨即獲釋，不過卻仍在1952年再度被捕並於1954年2月連同高一生、陳顯富、簡吉、樂信‧瓦旦等鄒族領袖遭槍斃。

 

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田麗

田麗（英文名Lily Tien、1967年4月30日－)，台灣女演員及主持人，父親山東人，母親鄒族人。前夫陳定中為電視節目製作人，也是親民黨主席兼民選台灣省長宋楚瑜夫人陳萬水之胞弟。台灣女歌手高慧君為其遠房表妹。

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Map of Taiwanese Aboriginal Tribes