TaiwanDNA.com

Origins and Diversity of the Taiwanese People

TaiwanDNA.com Homepage

Truku

 

Culture of Facial Tatoo, Atayal & Truku

 

* 述說台灣泰雅與太魯閣族紋面藝術 by 東華大學

 

* Videos:

• 「長者的話」太魯閣族感恩祭

• 太魯閣族-口簧琴表演

• 太魯閣族木琴表演

TRUKU

Excerpts from Wikipedia.org

The Truku (太魯閣族, also romanized as Taroko) people are an Indigenous Taiwanese tribe. Taroko is also the name of the area of Taiwan where the Truku tribe resides. The Executive Yuan, Republic of China has officially recognized the Truku since January 15th, 2004. The Truku are the 12th aboriginal tribe in Taiwan to receive this recognition. Previously, the Truku and the related Seediq people were classified in the Atayal group.

 

 

Geographic Distribution of the Truku

 

 

 

 

* 原住民文化與國家公園永續經營之研究： 太魯閣立霧溪流域人文活動之研究 by 劉益昌, et al.

Abstract: Due to its geographical restrictions, Liwu River area witnessed scarce trace of prehistoric human activities. According to historical data currently available, it is only from the later Neolithic age of the prehistoric period that settlements began to take place in the downstream area. Settlements that came later, those equipped with skills of using metal ware or mixed use of stoneware were found in the mid to upstream area. Earlier, researchers defined the prehistoric cultural essence and development of Liwu River area into two periods. The early period falls in the last part of Neolithic age, which can be referred to as “Taroko Type”; the later period clearly shows evidence as being part of Shisanghang Culture and carries locally distinctive features,. This period is referred to as “the Pulowan Type”. After these two periods, Liwu River area entered a historic era where events were chronicled in Spanish and Dutch documents during their colonial period. Gold sand brought in groups from various backgrounds and developed complicated relations among themselves. Due to small amount of archeological work in this area, findings regarding human activities in the past focused mainly on the Taroko tribe or, at earliest, the Mək-qaolin whom the Taroko tribe came into contact with as they relocated eastward. However the transition from late prehistoric era to early historic area remains much unresolved to this date. Historians, after examining documents of the Spanish and Dutch colonial period, came to the conclusion that Tarraboan (哆囉滿) area (currently downstream area of Liwu River) was where the gold mine was located. This is also where the western expedition team identified as “treasure island＂in Taiwan. However, goldmine related activities in this area can only be traced back to the 17th century. Archeologists have discovered gold accessories which can be dated as 1800 years ago in sites at north and east Taiwan, indicating gold had long been a traded item before it’s first documentation in history. The origin of these gold accessories is worth exploring.

This research focuses on Chungte site, located downstream of Liwu River, north of the alluvial terrace, with an aim to investigate how people in this area utilized resources and their level of skills, as well as the exchange and cultural activities they have engaged in with nearby communities. In the past, studies on Taroko National Park and Liwu River, or its natural scenery and cultural heritage, are mostly based on knowledge of geology or topography. This research, however, takes a different standpoint and looks at this area from perspectives of its human activities such as gold-mining, and gold, iron smelting in an attempt to reconstruct the pathway of industrial development of Liwu River. Apart from the understanding of lifestyle and industrial changes from prehistoric time till now, archeological discoveries of Taroko National Park also help to add a different layer of attraction. Instead of being known only for its natural attraction, the national park now reveals it is also a world class cultural heritage site.

 

太魯閣族

太魯閣族（德魯固; Taroko、Truku）原居住於南投縣仁愛鄉靜觀部落，十七世紀跨越中央山脈遷移至現在的花蓮縣北部一帶，目前人口約二萬餘人。日治時期日本文化人類學者依據語言、風俗、文化特徵，而將其歸類於泰雅族的賽德克亞族之一群（另兩群為Tuda、Tkdaya）。經過了時代的變遷，在當代族群成員自我主觀的認同意識下，逐漸發展出要求成為獨立族群的「正名太魯閣族運動」，並在2004年1月14日獲得中華民國政府的官方承認，成為第12個臺灣原住民族。

爭議性：

正名太魯閣族的過程，由於族群內部以Truku群為主的族人傾向於以「太魯閣族」、以及以Tkdaya及Tuda群為主的族人傾向以「賽德克族」作為族群名稱，因而展開了內部間的衝突與對話。

而推動正名「太魯閣族」主要的花蓮縣秀林與萬榮兩鄉，則透過行政系統推行連署。

2003年5月，在未經過內部三群的充分溝通與討論、以及在原民會族群認定小組的審議前，反而由當時的行政院長，在選舉造勢場合逕行宣佈了同意正名為太魯閣族， 造成同屬族群內部一片譁然，與日後不休的爭議。

 

太魯閣族部落史與祭儀樂舞傳記 by 旮日羿．吉宏

 

 

 

占卜鳥希希利 (太魯閣族) by 陳景聰

 

 

 

 

 

* 賽德克族與太魯閣族的歌樂系統研究兼論其音樂即興的運作與思惟 by 曾毓芬

* 太魯閣戰役後東賽德克群歌謠風格與其生活之關係 by 劉猷盛

* 太魯閣族編織文化

* 太魯閣族積極要成為台灣首個自治原住民族 by 吳思瑋

 

 

* 原住民音樂 / 賽德克族 by 吳榮順

在賽德克族(Sediq)與太魯閣族(Truku)的口傳歷史中，白石是祖先的發源處。當族人打獵時，白石高高在上，像一盞燈塔般隨時指引著獵人的腳步，使他們不致迷失在廣大的中央山脈中，於是白石被視為護佑整個族群的神石Pusu Btunux，而白石山則成為族人心中的聖山Bunobong。

由相同的起源傳說，可窺知賽德克族與太魯閣族出於同源的事實。賽德克族生息於南投仁愛鄉境內的山區，人口約一萬多，依其方言體系的不同，又分為都克達雅（Tkdaya）、多達（Toda）及太魯閣（Truku）三個語群。太魯閣族則主要分布於花蓮秀林、萬榮和卓溪鄉，境內也同樣住著上述三個語群的居民，但以太魯閣語群為主體。太魯閣族人的祖先主要來自南投仁愛鄉的平生與靜觀部落一帶，大約自十七世紀起，他們跨越中央山脈遷移至現在的花蓮縣北部，在日據時期，遷徙範圍更遍及整個花蓮縣境，目前人口約二萬餘。

從人類學的角度來看，南投賽德克族與花蓮太魯閣族，從日據時期以來就共同被學者歸類為泰雅族的亞族，並以中央山脈為界，稱為東賽德克群與西賽德克群。然而事實上，經過長期的分化與遷徙，各族群間的文化差異性逐漸升高，造成我族意識上的歧異性，這樣的分歧意識，在2004年1月14日東賽德克群正式成立為「太魯閣族」之後，進一步被突顯出來。

____________________________________________________________________________________________

 

Taroko National Park

 

Taroko National Park (太魯閣國家公園) is one of the seven national parks in Taiwan and was named after the Taroko Gorge, the landmark gorge of the park. It spans the counties of Hualien, Taichung, and Nantou on the island of Taiwan.

The park was originally established as the Tsugitaka-Taroko National Park (次高タロコ国立公園 Tsugitaka Taroko kokuritsu kōen) by the Governor-General of Taiwan on December 12, 1937 when Taiwan was part of the Empire of Japan. After the Empire of Japan's defeat in World War II, the Republic of China assumed control of Taiwan. The ROC government subsequently abolished the park on August 15, 1945. It was not until November 28, 1986 that the park was reestablished.

The name, Taroko, means the "magnificent and beautiful". Long ago a tribesman of the Truku aboriginal tribe saw the beauty of the azure Pacific when he walked out of the gorge. Astonished by the elegance of the scene, he cried: "Taroko!". And so it became the name of the place, in fashion not dissimilar to how the island, Formosa, got its name.

Taroko Gorge and its surrounding area are well known for their abundant supply of marble, leading to its nickname, "The Marble Gorge". The rock now seen in Taroko began over 200 million years ago as sediment on the bottom of the ocean. As the sediment collected, it was subject to increasingly large amounts of pressure which eventually hardened it into limestone. Over the past 100 million years, compression between the Philippine and Eurasian techtonic plates supplied additional pressure that metamorphosed the limestone into marble. Uplifting forces from the plate collision pushed this rock above the surface of the ocean to where we see it today. In fact, the region is still being uplifted by approximately 0.5cm per year.

The gorge itself was carved into the marble by the erosive power of the Liwu River.

In addition, there are known to be jade in this gorge. This jade is only found in Taiwan and the jade from this area supplies the jade market in Hualien. These mountains can be seen from rafting (a common activity during summer months in Taroko Gorge) through the rivers.

 

Sights Include:

• Tunnel of Nine Turns (九曲洞 Jiuqiu Dong, pictured at right)
• Eternal Spring Shrine (長春祠 Changchun, pictured below)
• Swallow's Mouth (燕子口)
• Jinheng Park (靳珩公園)
• The Bridge of the Kind Mother (慈母橋)
• Tiansiang (天祥)
• Jhueilu Precipice (錐麓斷崖)
• Lioufang Bridge (流芳橋): 1,666 meters above the riverbed
• Hill of Yu the Great (大禹嶺)
• Buluo Bay (布洛灣)

 

* Videos: 台灣太魯閣-Taiwan's Beauty- Taroko National Park

 

____________________________________________________________________________________________

 

Wushe Incident

The "Wùshè Incident" (霧社事件; Japanese rōmaji: Musha Jiken) was the biggest and the last rebellion against Japanese colonial forces in Taiwan, resulting in a massacre of Atayal tribespeople in 1930.

The cause of the rebellion is attributed to Japanese policy toward Taiwanese natives. In Japanese policy, Taiwanese tribal natives were classified as "aboriginal", and a separate lower class in comparison to the Komin (imperial citizens). Forced resettlement, oppression of tribal practices as well as forced labour and exploitation by Japanese police forces caused a large amount of hostility towards the Japanese, particularly their police forces, from the native tribes.

A prelude to the incident began on October 7, 1930. A police officer named Katsuhiko Yoshimura was on patrol, and came to oversee the tribal wedding ceremony of the Atayal Chief Rudao Bai's grandson. The groom of the ceremony offered a traditional glass of wine to the officer, who refused, citing that he would not take it from "hands soiled with the blood of animals". The groom pulled him aside, and insisted that he take part, lest insulting him. According to the testimony of the officer, "in an attempt to free myself from those unhygienic hands", he "accidentally" hit the groom twice with a stick. A fight quickly broke out, resulting in the wounding of the officer.

The groom attempted to make amends the next morning, but the officer refused a gift of wine. Very quickly, relations between the Atayal and the Japanese broke down.

Before the dawn of October 27, 1930, the Atayal Chief Rudao Bai had assembled a group of 1200 tribal members, and assaulted an athletic festival held in Wushe (Musyaji) Primary School near Puli, Nantou and attended by many Japanese. 134 Japanese nationals, and two Taiwanese were killed. 215 Japanese nationals were injured. Further raids were conducted on police outposts, postal stations and other colonial offices to acquire firearms and ammunition for a revolution.

Japanese retaliation was swift. Police, as well as military forces, deployed a modern military arsenal and used rival Atayal tribes to root out rebel Atayal. Tear gas was extensively used and in mid November the Japanese started using poison gas canisters dropped from aircraft on the lightly armed Atayal. On December 1, 1930, Chief Rudao Bai committed suicide. The uprising continued for another three weeks, lasting a total of 50 days.

According to Japanese record, 700 Atayal were killed or committed suicide, and 500 surrendered. A further massacre occurred, as surrendered Atayal were killed by rival Atayal who fought on the Japanese side, despite the surrendered forces widely considered to be under the protection of the Japanese police force. About 200 were said to be killed. The remaining rebel survivors were relocated to small reservations and forced to live under strict supervision by the police.

The Wushe area, where the rebellion occurred, was supposed to be an example of successful implementation of Japanese native policy, an over-all well constructed cohabitation. The rebellion, in turn, shocked the Japanese colonial government. Native policy in the area was quickly revised. The designation of native Taiwanese was upgraded from Barbarian(蕃人) to Takasago People(高砂族) and classified in rank with other colonial ethnic groups.

This in turn proved to be a mixed blessing. When Nationalist Chinese forces took over, the native tribes were considered to be sympathetic to the previous colonial power and the new rulers instituted a strict re-education campaign.

 

 

Seediq Bale - 賽德克·巴萊
(video)

Warriors of the Rainbow: Seediq Bale (賽德克‧巴萊, transliterated from Seediq; literally "A Real Seediq or A Real Man") is an upcoming Taiwanese historical drama film directed by Wei Te-Sheng. The film so far has been selected as one of the films in competition at the 68th Venice International Film Festival.

Seediq Bale seeks to portray the Wushe Incident, a 1930 Seediq uprising led by Mona Rudao against the Japanese when Taiwan was a colony under Japanese rule beginning in 1895. In 2003, Wei raised NT$ 2 million to shoot a 5-minute demonstration film in order to showcase the story and to garner financial support. Despite the short film's positive critical reception, Wei could not secure enough funding to begin filming. However, due to the popularity of Wei's first full-length film Cape No. 7 in 2008, the director decided to revive Seediq Bale. It began production in 2009 with a US$10 million budget.

 

 

霧社事件

霧社事件爆發現場慘況 (Photo from Album in Commemoration of Subjugation of Musha" published by Kyoshin Shokai, 1930)

霧社事件是台灣日治時期發生在台灣台中州能高郡霧社（今屬南投縣仁愛鄉）的抗日行動。事件是由於當地賽德克族(馬赫坡社)，因為不滿台灣總督府與地方政府的壓迫而發起，犧牲人數近千人，僅次於西來庵事件。事件領導人莫那魯道自縊外，該族族民幾遭滅族，霧社事件是日本統治台灣期間最後一次激烈的台灣反抗行動。台灣總督府於此事件之處理方式遭日本帝國議會強烈質疑，總督石塚英藏與總務長官人見次郎遭到撤換。

1895年，台灣日治時期始政後，台灣總督府為了礦藏、樟腦與木材，在山區大肆開發。樟腦是台灣總督府的重要財源，因此台灣總督府便積極的推行柔剛並濟之「理番」政策。於柔的方面，霧社設置蕃人公學校或蕃童教育所圖消弭出草等原住民習慣，剛的方面則是為了開發山地資源，修築道路派駐軍警等。

為了於霧社大肆砍伐林木，台灣總督府優待入山工作人員，除正式警察外，其他入山勞工日人皆一律給以警察或隘勇名義；一日，因砍伐不當導致五個正在工作的原住民被壓死，且有許多族人在搬運木頭時被日人毆打。除此，根據日本警方1930年10月7日的紀錄，在一場婚宴時，莫那魯道長子塔達歐．莫那想跟與同僚一起路過的日警吉村克己巡査敬酒，當他拉著吉村的手時，吉村以「討厭那個不潔的筵席而欲加以拒絕，要將被握住的手甩開」為由，以警棍對塔達歐．莫那毆打兩次，其他原住民憤而群起圍毆日警。爾後在比荷．瓦利斯和比荷．沙波的策動下，成了「霧社事件」的近因。

事件過程

第一次霧社事件: 日本昭和5年（1930年）10月27日，台灣總督府為紀念北白川宮能久親王陣亡（紀念碑設於基隆市）而舉行台灣神社祭，霧社地區照例舉行聯合運動會，此時警備鬆弛。賽德克族霧社群（即德奇達雅群）之馬赫坡、荷歌、波亞倫、斯庫、羅多夫、塔羅灣等6部落反日的賽德克族等共約1200人（含非戰鬥員），趁霧社地區晚秋季節之破曉時分，由霧社群馬赫坡社頭目莫那魯道首先發難，分隊襲擊附近的警察分駐所十三處。並同時進襲霧社警察分室、學校、郵政局、日本人官舍等。砍殺了各地警察及霧杜公學校舉行秋季運動會的日本平民136名（其中包含許多婦孺、另有2人是著日人服裝的台灣人被誤殺），又殺傷了215人，並縱火燒毀警察駐在所，獲得槍枝180挺和彈藥23037發。賽德克族人在霧社事件後，即切斷各通往外地的電話線。

當時同為賽德克族人的警察花岡一郎，則沒有參加起事，反而選擇帶著家人自殺。日本殖民政府以「以夷制夷」的方式，讓原住民擔任第一線鎮壓武裝部隊。

後續鎮壓: 此事件爆發後，震驚全台灣，台灣總督府立即下令緊急調派台灣各地之警察隊與軍隊進攻霧社，台中州廳亦向台灣總督府請求派兵支援，除派屏東第八飛行連隊之飛機，飛來霧社山區實施偵察和威嚇飛行外，並調派台中州、台南州、台北州、花蓮港廳之駐軍往埔里、霧社挺進，鎮壓發起事件之原住民。

抗日六部落族人退回各部落後，分成二線，塔洛灣戰線由荷歌社頭目塔達歐．諾干率領，馬赫坡戰線由莫那魯道率領，1930年10月31日與日人軍警部隊對決後，除馬赫坡社外其他部落都被日人佔領，反抗主力退到馬赫坡社，其餘散在各溪溪谷。等到11月2曰馬赫坡社被軍警佔領後，起事原住民完全退入山中，大部份退至馬赫坡、塔羅灣兩溪溪谷，利用懸崖絕壁的有利地勢與日方作戰。

1930年11月5日，日軍臺南大隊在馬赫坡社東南方高地附近死傷頗重，遂增派部隊配備機關槍、飛機，並以飛機投擲「糜爛性毒氣彈」（路易斯毒氣彈），對躲藏在密林中的起義原住民進行攻擊。日軍使用毒氣彈，證據之一為11月3日台灣軍司令官寄予陸軍大臣的「有關兵器送附之文件」中有「有鑒於叛徒的躲藏區域為有斷崖的森林地帯，希望能使用腐蝕性投下弾及山砲弾並請儘快交付」的記錄。

先前此地的原住民時常因為爭奪獵地而彼此征戰，就在霧社事件之前，莫那魯道也曾經攻打過周遭的社；日軍解除之前對出草的禁令，並利用馬赫波社和他社爭奪獵地的嫌隙，脅迫利誘霧道澤、土魯閣、萬大、馬力巴、白狗諸等社的原住民，以提供賞金和槍枝彈藥為條件，命令諸社組成「味方蕃」襲擊隊以協助日人軍警部隊參與戰鬥。

由於，日軍採取對平民與起義民間無差別的屠殺、攻擊不設防村落（undefended towns, villages, hibitantions and buildings）、使用化武毒氣等手段進行鎮壓，已經嚴重違反1899年海牙公約、1907年第二次海牙公約（The Hague Convention respecting the laws and customs of war on land/ Hague Convention）等規範作戰手段、維護人道的國際法、國際戰爭法（The Laws of War）相關條文規定，因而引發國際，甚至日本國會的強烈譴責，後導致台灣總督石塚英藏、總督府總務長官(昔稱民政長官)人見次郎遭日本內閣撤換；而繼任總務長官的高橋守雄出身警務系統，於3個月後亦因處裡不當，發生二次霧社事件而去職。

彈盡援絕: 在糧食彈藥皆有限的情況下，抗日族人退守馬赫坡岩窟，不是戰死就是在巨木下自縊。最後莫那魯道眼見大勢已去，持槍自殺。在內山巖窟的兒子塔達歐‧莫那不接受招降，與被迫前來招降的妹妹訣別後自盡。

事件結束後的統計：遭日軍攻擊致死者364名，自殺者225人，被拘禁者265名，另外有約500名原住民投降。日人出動包含台灣軍司令部、守備隊司令部、台北步兵第一聯隊等等軍隊，約1194名，另外還有1,306名警察部隊。根據事後日方戰報顯示，軍警共戰死者28名、受傷26名，協助日軍的原住民戰死22名、受傷19名。在進行了為期四十餘日的大小戰鬥後，始將事件弭平。

依據學者戴寶村〈莫那魯道與台灣原住民的反抗運動〉一文的調查，莫那魯道他們退到馬赫坡後面的洞穴之後，日本人用炸彈炸不到那個洞穴，但是他們實在沒有辦法反抗，最後就全部自殺。泰雅族人都是以上吊的方式自殺，從當時日本人所拍下來的照片可以看到，一棵樹吊了很多人，以至於樹枝都彎曲下垂。有的婦女為了讓男子沒有後顧之憂而勇敢作戰，就自己先自殺，十分悲壯。莫那魯道後來看到大勢已去，就在山上洞穴自殺。由於，他的屍體沒有完全腐化，有一半變成木乃伊，1934年才被尋獲，送到台北帝國大學當作人類學標本，後來才被送回霧社安葬。

第二次霧社事件: 1930年11月10日道澤群總頭目泰目．瓦利斯被起義的原住民殺死，讓道澤群懷恨在心。更由於霧社事件日人使用「以夷制夷」策略，脅逼此二部族組成「味方蕃」襲擊隊，投入戰事，造成霧社各族群之間的仇怨擴大，但是因日本政府決定從輕處分霧社事件的參與者，造成道澤群憤恨不平，4月25日，道澤群的壯丁組成襲擊隊，攻擊霧社事件餘生者居住的容所，被殺死及自殺者共216人，達到報仇目的的道澤群襲擊隊員，共砍下101個首級，提回道澤駐在所向日警繳功。此保護蕃收容所襲擊事件被稱作第二次霧社事件。

日人對殘餘族人的處置

霧社事件發生後，台灣總督和台灣軍司令商量是否派軍隊鎮壓，經過行政程序，最後決定派兵鎮壓，並於來往文書中明定，毒氣、瓦斯等化學物質以代號表示。致日後研究學者試圖以官方文件否定使用毒氣之事實。

日本殖民政府藉由煽動泰雅族群間的敵對，以夷制夷，鼓勵泰雅部落出草，定出獎金以獎勵親日部落去殺害起事的部落：殺掉頭目可得二百元；殺壯丁得一百元；殺婦女得三十元。武裝鎮壓後，日人更以注射毒針的方式讓受傷的族人中毒身亡，並以集中管理方式，將霧社事件倖存的298名生還者，「集體遷村」，移居到北港溪與眉原溪交會處之川中島（今南投縣仁愛鄉清流部落），最終導致泰雅部落傳統成長文明的斷裂。

事件影響

事件前霧社是總督府理番政策的重點地區，儘管如此還是出現了大規模的反抗。因此總督府修正了台灣原住民的歧視政策，並且加速皇民化教育。對原住民做思想教育的同時，也嘗試將原住民遷移到平地定居，過著農耕生活。昭和14年1939年，日人興建了萬大水庫，耕地遭到淹沒，日人又將族人集體遷到北港溪中游台地，取名為中原社。原居霧社地區的賽德克族人，全部被移居到北港溪流域。

台史學者張炎憲觀察，台灣人於日本殖民時期的反抗運動，是以1915年的西來庵事件為分界。前期自1895年至1915年，是武裝抗日運動時期；後期自1915年至1945年，是政治抗日運動時期，如台灣文化協會林獻堂赴日請願設立台灣自治議會。據總督府統計，殖民時期，台灣當地的武裝抗日行動共有14起；與韓國所發生的五百多起的情形相比，差距頗大，甚至韓國人更將曾任韓國統監的伊藤博文暗殺於中國哈爾濱車站。中研院研究員林滿虹認為，當時的韓國是個國家，台灣不是，所以韓國人有國破家亡的切膚之痛，因而各地群起反抗，台灣沒有。

依據旅居日本的寫作家盧千惠（台灣獨立運動的重要領袖、台灣駐日本代表（2004年─）許世楷之妻）於2004年10月27日投書《中國時報》的〈永誌台灣英雄莫那魯道〉一文中，提及事件發生後，日本帝國議會的議員河野密，來台灣調查真相，並在1931年三月號的《中央公論》，發表一篇〈調查霧社事件的真相〉。文章說：

（一）原住民因為缺乏手段和方法，所以無法表達真相。 （二）事件的多數當事人，不論原住民或是日方警察，因為在事件中消失，無法判斷事件的是非。 （三）事件後，最早進入霧社的記者受到限制，無法報導真相。致使霧社事件到現在還是「謎」。 在強大的國家主義體制下，國會議員河內密不信任總督府單方面的證言，還親自來台灣找尋真相為公義發聲。 身高180公分，高魁、智武雙全的頭目莫那魯道，受總督府招待觀光日本後，曾說過：「日本人比濁水溪的石頭還多，他們有專門殺人的學校，每日製造機關鎗、大炮、炸彈……」。莫那魯道知道抗日沒有取勝的機會，分析給他的族人聽。他們不願意永被奴役，選擇拚死的決心，表達活就要活得有尊嚴。因此，莫那魯道率領三百名願為尊嚴玉碎的原住民，共赴慘烈的義舉。

此事件發生後，日本國會除眾議員河野密、河上丈太郎來台調查，另有以嚴詞抨擊拓務、陸軍、總理大臣施用毒氣的情事，此事件後，台灣總督石塚英藏、總務長官人見次郎遭日本內閣撤換，石井保警局長、台中州知事水越幸一亦去職以示負責。惟繼任的總督太田政弘，於短期間內雖提出善待原住民的政策試圖平息風波；但新任總務長官的高橋守雄仍因處裡不當，發生二次霧社事件而去職。

現在

國民政府將日本人殉難記念碑拆毀，改立原住民紀念碑。現在的霧社（屬南投縣仁愛鄉）當地設有霧社事件紀念公園。台灣公共電視台曾於2004年製作電視影集「風中緋櫻」，即敘述這段故事；另長期關懷原住民的作家鍾肇政亦著有長篇小說《馬黑坡風雲》描寫此事件。

為紀念奮勇維護家園的原住民英雄，發揚殖民時期原住民反對日本政府殖民暴政的英勇氣節，臺灣中央銀行在2001年7月發行以莫那魯道為肖像的硬幣以茲紀念，面額為20元。正面圖案為台灣原住民抗日英雄莫那魯道半側面肖像。2008年末，台灣史上最賣座電影《海角七號》導演魏德聖，亦準備拍攝紀念影片《賽德克.巴萊》。

教科書的記載

1995年日本高中19種版本教科書，只有1、2種版本記載霧社事件，其餘均未提起。課文內容翻譯如下：

「1930年臺灣臺中州霧社居民（高砂族）爆發對課役（勞役）與歧視的不滿，殺死日本人百餘名。後因軍隊出動而被鎮壓下來。」

* Video: 霧社事件 vs. 高砂義勇隊

____________________________________________________________________________________________

 

Atayal Facial Tattooing

According to stories told by their elders, the first Atayal ancestors were one man and one woman who lived together for a very long time and loved each other very much. But the boy was shy and wouldn't dare approach her. Whereupon, the girl came up with an idea. She left her home and found some coal with which to blacken her face so she could pose as a different girl.

After several days, she crept back into their home and the boy mistook her for another girl and they lived happily ever after. Not long after, the couple bore children, fulfilling their mission of procreating the next generation. The Atayal custom of face tattooing may have come from the girl blackening her face in the story. The Atayal custom of facial tattooing requires that girls first learn to be accomplished weavers and cultivators before they may have their faces 'adorned'. Male tattooing is relatively simple, with just two bands down the forehead and chin.

 

 

An Atayal Teenage Girl (Photo from atayal.org)

 

Atayal Tattooing Process (Photo from the Gerald Warner Taiwan Image Collection)

 

Atayal Facial Tattoos: A century-old tradition that is rapidly disappearing

 

Atayal Tribe: Recording and reviving traditions

 

Atayal Facial Tattoo Culture Exhibit
Photographer: Kuei-Shih Tien

 

* Tattooed Headhunters of Taiwan by Lars Krutak

* Tattoos Mark Face of Tribes' History by Abby Lee

* Atayal Woman Revives Full Facial Tattooing Tradition by Taipei Times

* Tribal Facial Tattoos From Around The World by Environmental Graffiti

 

 

* The Prehistory of the Daic (Taikadai) Speaking Peoples and the Hypothesis of an Austronesian Connection by Roger Blench

Face-tattooing Represented on a Terracotta Excavated in Yunnan

Excerpt: Yue (越) was a general name for a complex of loosely related ethnic groups which inhabited broad areas of southern China, often referred to as Bai yue (Hundred Yue). According to Records of The Late Han Dynasty - a History of the Southern Aborigines, ‘The two prefectures, Zhuya and Dan'er were on the island, about one thousand li east to, 500 li (~ 250 km) from south to north. The headman of the aborigines living there thought it was noble to make their ears long, so the people there all bored holes in their earlobes, and pulled them down close to their shoulders.... and called it Dan'er.’ Sima Qian (1993) in the section, Record of the Southwest and Southern Barbarians, part of Records of the Grand Historian (史記) in his states that the ancestors of the Dai in Yunnan were the Dian Yue (滇越). Fan Chuo (1961) in A Survey of the Aborigines (Tang Dynasty) refers to them as ‘Black Teeth’ and as ‘Face-Tattooed’. Photo 1 shows a terracotta excavated in Yunnan that almost certainly represents a tattooed face.

Tattooing on the face was common with most Taiwanese groups. Under the Japanese occupation there was a violent and ultra-cruel campaign to eliminate it, hence it is hardly seen today. Figure 3 shows a set of Atayal tattooing equipment. Tattooing is noted as a feature of the Yue in early Chinese descriptions and is still practised among groups such as the Gelao and Dulong today. Photo 2 shows typical face tattooing among the Trung [=Dulong], a Sino-Tibetan group in Yunnan. Tattooing is widespread but patchy in the region especially in the Austronesian world. For example, it is not typical of the Northern Philippines, but occurs in Borneo and Polynesia (Hambly 1925; Gilbert 2001). It does occur in Japan and Siberia, but in China proper it is never on the face and has a strong association with criminality (Ceresa 1996; Chen Yuanming 1999); hence its salience for Chinese historians of the ‘Southern Barbarians’.

 

 

Tā moko

Tā moko is the permanent body and face marking by Māori, the indigenous people of New Zealand. Traditionally it is distinct from tattoo and tatau in that the skin was carved by uhi (chisels) rather than punctured. This left the skin with grooves, rather than a smooth surface.

Captain Cook wrote in 1769:

The marks in general are spirals drawn with great nicety and even elegance. One side corresponds with the other. The marks on the body resemble foliage in old chased ornaments, convolutions of filigree work, but in these they have such a luxury of forms that of a hundred which at first appeared exactly the same no two were formed alike on close examination.

The tattooists were considered tapu, or exceptionally inviolable and sacred.

Tattoo arts are common in the Eastern Polynesian homeland of Māori, and the traditional implements and methods employed were similar to those used in other parts of Polynesia (see Buck 1974:296, cited in References below). In pre-European Māori culture, many if not most high-ranking persons received moko, and those who went without them were seen as persons of lower social status. Receiving moko constituted an important milestone between childhood and adulthood, and was accompanied by many rites and rituals. Apart from signalling status and rank, another reason for the practice in traditional times was to make a person more attractive to the opposite sex. Men generally received moko on their faces, buttocks (called raperape) and thighs (called puhoro). Women usually wore moko on their lips (kauae) and chins. Other parts of the body known to have moko include women's foreheads, buttocks, thighs, necks and backs and men's backs, stomachs, and calves.

____________________________________________________________________________________________

 

Images from

 

Beautiful Girl of Taroko

According to Masegseg Jingror: "Tattoo marking is a common practice among the...Atayal. For women, having tattoo marks on one's face and body means three things: First, it is a symbol of reaching maturity. Second, it indicates that she is a person capable [of] weaving. And finally but not the least, when they pass away they can recognize the spirits of their ancestors in heaven through the design of the tattoo marks. Besides, tattoo marks were believed to have magical power which enabled them to avoid evil forces. But more importantly, tattoos are marks of their identity indicating to which tribe they belong" (Tung 1996, p. 152).

 

Taroko Hunting Costume

 

 

Images from The Gerald Warner Taiwan Image Collection

Taroko Woman

 

Taroko Woman of Tarowan Village

This photo taken in January, 1915 by Mori Ushinosuke. He wrote, ""the Atayal have the custom of tattooing to mark the passage to maturity 成年. Taroko woman of Tarowan village. The woman applying the tattoo has needles and soot at her side for supplies"" (Mori 1918:1, p.15, partially translated and quoted in Tung 1996, p. 154).

 

 

Images from Digital Archives

太魯閣番 (in Japanese clothing)

 

 

Images from Taiwan Indigenous Peoples' Resource Center

 

____________________________________________________________________________________________

 

Classification of Formosan Languages

The seminal article in the classification of Formosan—and, by extension, the top-level structure of Austronesian—is Blust (1999). Prominent Formosanists (linguists who specialize in Formosan languages) take issue with some of its details, but it remains the point of reference for current linguistic analyses, and is shown below. The Malayo-Polynesian languages are frequently included within Blust's Eastern Formosan branch due to their shared leveling of proto-Austronesian *t, *C to /t/ and *n, *N to /n/, their shift of *S to /h/, and vocabulary such as *lima "five" which are not attested in other Formosan languages.

In addition to Malayo-Polynesian, thirteen Formosan families are broadly accepted. Debate centers primarily around the relationships between these families. Two classifications are presented here, Blust (1999), who links two families into a Western Plains group, two more in a Northwestern Formosan group, and three into an Eastern Formosan group, and the Austronesian Basic Vocabulary Database (2008), which links five families into a Northern Formosan group, two in a Tsouic group, and links Malayo-Polynesian with Paiwan in a Paiwanic group.

Other studies have presented phonological evidence for a reduced Paiwanic family of Paiwanic, Puyuma, Bunun, Amis, and Malayo-Polynesian, but this is not reflected in vocabulary. The Eastern Formosan peoples Basay, Kavalan, and Amis share a homeland motif that has them coming originally from an island called Sinasay or Sanasay (Li 2004). The Amis, in particular, maintain that they came from the east, and were treated by the Puyuma, amongst whom they settled, as a subservient group (Taylor 1888).

 

Blust (1999)

• Tsouic
  • Tsou
  • Saaroa
  • Kanakanabu
• Western Plains
  • Thao (AKA Sao. Brawbaw, Shtafari dialects)
  • Central Western Plains
    • Babuza (Taokas, Poavosa dialects)
    • Popora-Hoanya (Popora, Hoanya dialects)
• Northwest Formosan
  • Saisiyat (Taai, Tungho dialects)
  • Pazeh (AKA Kulun)
• Atayalic
  • Atayal
  • Seediq (AKA Truku, Taroko)
• East Formosan
  • Northern (Kavalanic)
    • Basai (Trobiawan, Linaw-Qauqaul dialects)
    • Kavalan
    • Ketagalan
  • Central (Ami)
    • Nataoran (North Amis)
    • Amis
  • Siraya
  • Malayo-Polynesian
• Bunun
• Rukai (Mantauran, Tona, and Maga dialects are divergent)
• Puyuma
• Paiwan (southern tip of Formosa)

 

Li (2008)

Families of Formosan languages before Chinese colonization, per Li (2008). The three languages (Bunun, Puyuma, Paiwan) may form a Southern Formosan branch, but this is uncertain.

This classification retains Blust's East Formosan, and unites the other northern languages. Li proposes a Proto-Formosan (F0) ancestor and equates it with Proto-Austronesian (PAN), following the model in Starosta (1995). Rukai and Tsouic are seen as highly divergent, although the position of Rukai is highly controversial.

• F0: Formosan = Austronesian
  •   Rukai
    • Mantauran
    • Maga-Tona, Budai-Labuan-Taromak
  • F1
    •   Central (Tsouic)
      • Tsou
      • Southern Tsouic
        • Saaroa
        • Kanakanabu
    • F2
      •   Northern Formosan
        • Northwestern (Plains)
          • Saisiyat–Kulon–Pazeh
          • Western
            • Thao
            • West Coast (Popora–Hoanya–Babuza–Taokas)
        • Atayalic
          • Squliq Atayal
          • Ts'ole' Atayal (= C'uli')
          • Seediq
      •   East Formosan
        • Kavalan–Basay
        • Siraya–Amis
      • ? Southern [uncertain]
        •   Bunun
          • Isbukun
          • Northern and Central (Takitudu and Takbanuao)
        •   Paiwan–Puyuma [uncertain]

 

Austronesian Basic Vocabulary Database (2008)

Families of Formosan languages before Chinese colonization, per the Austronesian Basic Vocabulary Database (Greenhill, Blust & Gray 2008).

This investigation keeps Li's Northern Formosan, but breaks up Blust's Eastern Formosan, and suggests Paiwan may be the closest to Malayo-Polynesian. It also unites Tsouic and Rukai, the two most divergent languages in Li.

 

 * Kavalanic (This is an obvious, low-level grouping)

• Basay (Trobiawan, Linaw-Qauqaut dialects)
• Kavalan
• Ketagalan

*  Northern Formosan (These groups are linked with an estimated 97% probability)

• Thao (AKA Sao. Brawbaw, Shtafari dialects)
• Western Plains
  • Babuza (AKA Favorlang. Taokas, Poavosa dialects)
  • Popora-Hoanya (Popora, Hoanya dialects)
• Saisiyat (Taai, Tungho dialects)
• Pazeh (AKA Kulun)
• Atayalic
  • Atayal (Squliq, C’uli’)
  • Seediq (AKA Truku, Taroko)

*  Ami (Another low-level grouping)

• Sakizaya
• Nataoran (North Amis)
• Amis

*  Bunun

• Bunun

*  Tsou-Rukai (Tsou and Rukai are connected with moderate confidence, estimated at 85% probability.)

• Tsouic
  • Tsou
  • Saaroa
  • Kanakanabu
• Rukai (Mantauran, Tona, and Maga dialects are divergent)

*  Siraya

• Siraya (Taivoan, Makatao dialects)

* Puyuma

• Puyuma

*  Paiwanic (Malayo-Polynesian and Paiwan are linked with a low level of confidence (74%).)

• Paiwan (southern tip of Formosa)
• Malayo-Polynesian

 

Sagart (2004)

Sino-Austronesian is a proposed language family. Its original version was first presented by Laurent Sagart in the early 1990s. Using reconstructions of the Old Chinese language, Sagart argued that the Austronesian languages were related to the Sinitic languages both lexically and morphologically. Additionally, the Tai-Kadai languages were placed internally within the Austronesian family as a sister branch of Malayo-Polynesian. He also considers the Austro-Asiatic language family to be a likely candidate for inclusion, since if the Austric hypothesis proves to be true, Austro-Asiatic would follow along with the Tai-Kadai branch's inclusion in Sino-Austronesian.

If compared with genetic evidence, the Sino-Austronesian family would correspond to Haplogroup O, a paternally-transmitted human Y-chromosome DNA haplogroup. Laurent Sagart has also shown that his Sino-Austronesian proposal does not contradict genetic studies in any major way.

Related proposals include Austric (Wilhelm Schmidt), Austro-Tai (Paul K. Benedict), and Dené-Caucasian (Sergei Starostin).

• Sino-Austronesian (Sino-Tibetan-Austronesian)
  • Tibeto-Burman ("Sino-Tibetan languages")
  • Austronesian
    • Luilang, Pazeh, Saisiat
    • Pituish
      • Atayalic (Thao, Favorlang, Taokas, Papora, Hoanya)
      • Enemish
        • Siraya
        • Walu-Siwaish
          • Tsouic (Paiwan, Rukai, Puyuma, Amis, Bunun)
          • Muish
            • Northeastern Formosan (Ketagalan, Kavalan, etc.)
            • Daic or Kra-Dai (Tai-Kadai)
            • Malayo-Polynesian

 

* The Higher Phyolgeny of Austronesian and the Position of Tai-Kadaii by Laurent SagartEnriched Higher An Phylogeny Based on Basic-Lexical and Morphological Innovations (gray area at bottom)

Taxon names are in bold type. To the exception of the NE-Formosan languages Kavalan and Ketagalan, no claim is made that the languages whose names are in the same column (for instance Luilang, Pazeh and Saisiat) form a taxon. Dotted arrows indicate an oversea migration. 'FATK' = Formosan Ancestor of Tai-Kadai; 'FAMP' = 'Formosan Ancestor of Malayo-Polynesian'.

 

Ross (2009)

(Chart from Linguistic Evidence for Austronesian Homeland and Dispersal by Paul Jen-kuei Li)

In 2009, Malcolm Ross proposed a new classification of the Austronesian language family based on morphological evidence from various Formosan languages. He proposed that since the current reconstructions for Proto-Austronesian actually correspond to an intermediate stage, and they would actually correspond to "Proto-Nuclear Austronesian." Notably, Ross' classification does not support the unity of the Tsouic languages, instead considering the Southern Tsouic languages of Kanakanavu and Saaroa to be a separate subgroup. This would support Chang's (2006) claim that Tsouic is not a valid subgroup.

• Austronesian (Ross 2009)
  • Puyuma
  • Rukai
  • Tsou
  • Nuclear Austronesian
    • Kanakanavu and Saaroa
    • Northwest Formosan: Saisiyat, Kulon-Pazih
    • Atayalic: Atayal, Seediq
    • Western Plains: Thao, Taokas, Favorlang-Babuza, Papora, Hoanya
    • Bunun
    • Paiwan
    • East Formosan: Basay-Trobiawan, Kavalan, Amis, Siraya
    • Malayo-Polynesian: all extra-Formosan languages, including Yami (Tao)

 

 

台灣南島語言

台灣南島語言（Formosan）或稱高山語、台灣原住民族語，在語言分類上是屬於南島語系台灣南島語族，一共有23個語言，可以再細分成「泰雅語群」、「排灣語群」、以及「鄒語群」等三個語群。使用人口約17萬人。

除了世居蘭嶼的達悟族所使用的達悟語（雅美語）是屬於分布於呂宋海峽諸島群的南島語系馬來-玻里尼西亞語族巴丹語群（Batanic / Bashiic）外，其他台灣原住民族所使用的語言都屬於南島語系台灣南島語言。台灣南島語言在整個南島語系中佔著極為特殊的地位，古南島語中所出現的動、植物群，常見於台灣島內不同的地形及氣候區內，這些證據顯示台灣南島語言十分古老。以這些語言研究上的證據作為基礎，甚至有相當多的語言學家相信，台灣是整個南島民族的「祖居地」（homeland）之一。

「台灣南島語言」在南島語族的分類位置

相關的語言學者對於台灣南島語言在整個南島語族的分類位置，有以下幾種不同的看法：

將「台灣南島語言」視為是「西部南島語」的一支: 傳統上，語言學者依照所謂的「華理士分界線」（the Wallace line）將南島語族分成兩大類：東部南島語（Oceanic，指大洋洲的南島語）以及西部南島語（Hesperonesian，指非大洋洲的南島語）。戴恩（Dyen 1963）和土田滋（Tsuchida 1976）都認為台灣南島語言跟西部南島語比較接近，因此只是西部南島語群的一個分支，並無特殊的地位。這是代表傳統的分類法。

將「台灣南島語言」視為是「北部南島語」:奧德裏庫（Haudricourt 1965）則把台灣南島語與東部南島語、西部南島語三分而立，並稱台灣南島語為北部南島語。

將「台灣南島語言」視為是南島語系的第一分支: 達爾（Dahl 1976）認為台灣南島語保存了最多古南島語（Proto-Austronesian）的特徵，應該被視為是整個南島語族的第一分支。在這個基礎上，白樂思（Blust 1982）更進一步把南島語族分為四個分支：泰雅群、鄒語群、排灣群、以及馬來亞玻里尼西亞群。在超過1200種的南島語族語言當中，數量上只有20幾種的台灣南島語竟然被劃分成三個不同的語群，佔了四個南島語群當中的三個，其在南島語系中的重要地位自然不言可喻。

也是基於同樣的考慮，有些學者則將南島語系分成兩大部分，一部份是台灣南島語群，另一部份則是馬來亞-玻里尼西亞語群，這也是Ethnologue: Languages of the World（2004）目前所採取的分類方式。在該語言資料庫所收集的1262個南島語系語言當中，這些語言被分成兩大類，其中23個屬於台灣南島語的語言被歸類為「台灣南島語族」（Formosan），另外1239個其他的不同語言則被歸類為「馬來亞-玻里尼西亞語族」（Malayo-Polynesian）。

綜論: 事實上，愈來愈多的南島語言學者承認台灣南島語的重要性。就目前的語言學研究而言，台灣至少是最古老的南島民族居住地之一，甚至極可能就是古南島民族的發源地（參見Blust 1985；Bellwood 1991）。在以下的討論中，我們將依照Ethnologue: Languages of the World（2005b）的報告，將被歸類為「台灣南島語族」的台灣南島語再細分成三個語群：泰雅語群、排灣語群、以及鄒語群。

「台灣南島語言」分類系譜

台灣南島語言共有23個，其中2個被歸為泰雅語群，17個被歸為排灣語群，4個被歸為鄒語群。未列入不屬於台灣南島語言的達悟語。

2009年，根據聯合國教科文組織報告，馬賽語、凱達格蘭語等7種語言已被認定流失；另外，噶瑪蘭語、貓霧捒語、邵語等7種語言被評為極度危急、賽夏語為嚴重危險，而泰雅語、卑南語、布農語等9種語言則為脆弱等級。

• 泰雅語群 (Atayalic) (2)
  • 泰雅語 (Atayal)
  • 賽德克語 (Seediq)
• 排灣語群 (Paiwanic) (21)
  • 阿美語 ('Amis, Pangcah)
    • 荳蘭阿美語（'Amis, Nataoran）
  • 布農語 (Bunun)
  • 巴布薩語 (Babuza)(貓霧捒)
    • 虎尾壟語(Favorlang)
  • 噶瑪蘭語 (Kebalan)
  • 猴猴語(Qauqaut)
  • 西拉雅語 (Siraiya)
    • 大滿語 (Taivuan)(四社熟番)
    • 馬卡道語 (Makatau)
  • 洪雅語 (Honya)
  • 凱達格蘭語 (Ketangalan)
    • 巴賽語 (Basay)
    • 雷朗語(Luilang)
  • 龜崙語(Kulon)
  • 賽夏語 (Saisiyat)
  • 道卡斯語 (Taokas)
  • 巴布拉語 (Papora,Papura; 干仔轄(Camachat; 巴布拉語))
  • 排灣語 (Paiwan)
  • 卑南語 (Pyuma/普優瑪)
  • 巴宰語 (Pazih, Pazeh)
    • 噶哈巫語(Kaxabu, Kahabu)(眉溪四庄)
  • 邵語 (Thao)
• 鄒語群 (Tsouic) (4)
  • 魯凱語 (Rukai)
  • 北鄒語群 (Northern) (1)
    • 鄒語 (Tsou,Cou)
  • 南鄒語群 (Southern) (2)
    • 卡那卡那富語(Kanakanavu)
    • 沙阿魯阿語(Saaroa)

____________________________________________________________________________________________

 

Genetic Studies

 

* Study on the Genetic Polymorphisms of Y Chromosomal DNA Short Tandem Repeat Loci Applied to Analyzing the Relative Affinities Among Ethnic Groups and Identifying the Paternal Cases in Taiwan by Fang-Chin Wu

Abstract: We collected the 1,281 buccal swab samples for typing Y chromosome DNA and identifying paternity relationship with written informed consent from unrelated male volunteers of 14 ethnic groups residing in Taiwan. The donators included Holo, Hakka, Mainlander, Amis, Paiwan, Atayal, Bunun, Truku, Rukai, Puyuma, Tsou, Saisiyat, Yami and Thao. We got 923 DNA Y-STR haplotypes for identifying paternal affinity.

Allele frequencies for the 17 Y-specific short tandem repeats (Y-STRs) loci DYS19, DYS385a/b, DYS389I/II, DYS390, DYS391, DYS392, DYS393, DYS437, DYS438, DYS439, DYS448, DYS456, DYS458, DYS635 and Y-GATA-H4 (AmpFℓSTR® Yfiler™ PCR Amplification Kit) were determined from 1,281 samples. The genetic distance values below 0.2, which show high genetic affinity between compared groups, have four groups: (1) Holo, Hakka and Mainlander; (2) Paiwan and Rukai; (3) Paiwan and Puyuma; (4) Atayal and Truku.

From the relation of genetic blood and geographic environment, we found the Atayal, Bunun, Truku and Tsou tribes had the high frequencies over 78.6 % of allele 13 and the Amis, Paiwan, Rukai, Puyuma, Saisiyat, Yami and Thao tribes had the high frequencies over 76.1 % of allele 12.

In 60 paternity cases, we found 4 cases happening mutations on DNA STR and used DNA Y-STR to determine the blood relation for these.

 

 

* Genetic Affinities Between the Yami Tribe People of Orchid Island and the Philippine Islanders of the Batanes Archipelago by Jun-Hun Loo, et al.

Phylogenetic Tree of Populations of Taiwan, ISEA and MSEA Using mtDNA Haplogroup Frequencies (Fst distances) and Y-STR Haplotypes Frequencies

 

* A Genetic Anthropological Study of Taiwan Aborigines Using Polymorphism of MICA Gene by Mao-nien Yang

 

* The Genetic Structure of Pacific Islanders by Jonathan S Friedlaender, et al.

Pacific Population Tree

 

* The GM Genetic Polymorphism in Taiwan Aborigines: New data revealing remarkable differentiation patterns
by Alicia Sanchez-Mazas, et al.

Excerpt: The MDS (characterized by a very good stress value of 0.041) segregates four Northern and Central Han populations at the top, the Minnan from Taiwan in a central position, and the Southern Han from Guangzhou, the eight Austronesian populations from Taiwan and the extra-Formosan Yami at the bottom. The four Northern and Central Han populations are genetically linked to each other according to a pattern recalling their relative geographic position. The Minnan are genetically intermediate between the Northern and the Southern Han but are very distant from both groups and significantly differentiated from all populations. Within the last group, we observe three clusters of genetically related populations: the Atayal, Taroko and Tsou; the Pazeh, Siraya, Bunun and Puyuma; and the Ami and Yami. In addition, we find that the Southern Han from Guangzhou are genetically very close to the Taroko, Atayal and Tsou, from whom they are not differentiated significantly according to the permutation statistical test (dotted lines). Genetic relationships are also suggested between the Taroko and both the Siraya and Bunun, and between the Puyuma and the Ami according both to the permutation test and to their relative position in the MDS.

Multidimensional Scaling Analysis among 15 Populations from Taiwan and
China Based on the Frequencies of GM ± 23 Sub-haplotypes

Solid lines link populations that are undifferentiated at the 5% level according to an exact test of population differentiation. Dotted lines link populations that are undifferentiated at the 5% level according to a permutation test on pairwise Fst’s, but not to the exact test. Final stress = 0.041 (excellent). White circles: Sino-Tibetans; triangles: Austronesians from Taiwan; black circle: Extra-Formosan Austronesians.

 

Multidimensional Scaling Analysis among 63 Populations from Southeast Asia
Excluding all Sino-Tibetans but the Southern Chinese (grouped)

The ‘mixed’ sample is composed of individuals from Fujian, Zhejiang, Jiangxi, and Hunan. ST-SC: Sino-Tibetan, Southern Chinese (Min, Xiang, Gan, Hakka, Yue); AA: Austroasiatic; KA: Tai-Kadai; AN-EF: Extra-Formosan Austronesian; AN-TW: Autronesian from Taiwan; HM: Hmong-Mien.

 

* More Genetic Sharing among the Population of Taiwan than Expected: A plain tribes (Pinpu) perspective by Marie Lin, et al.

Mitochondrial DNA (Neighbor Joining Phylogram)

 

 

HLA-Cw7

HLA-Cw7 (Cw7) is a human leukocyte antigen serotype within HLA-C serotype group. The serotype is determined by the antibody recognition of α7 subset of HLA-Cw α-chains. For Cw7, the alpha chain are encoded by the HLA-Cw*07 allele group and the β-chain are encoded by B2M locus. Cw7 and Cw*07 are almost synonymous in meaning.

Cw7 is more common in West Africa to Ireland. Cw7 in Europe is part of the AH8.1 and HLA B7-DR15-DQ6 haplotypes. The class I region of these supertype is HLA A1-B8 haplotype, HLA A3-B7, HLA-A2-B7 and HLA A24-B7. (For terminology help see: HLA-serotype tutorial)

 

HLA Cw*0702 Frequencies

Population	Freq. (%)
PNG New Britain Rabaul	57.1
China Yunnan Lisu	32.9
Taiwan Taroko	31.8
China Yunnan Nu	30.7
PNG Madang	30.2
Taiwan Tsou	27.5
Russia Arkhangelsk Pomors	26.0
Ch. Guangdong Meizhou H…	25.8
Pakistan Burusho	25.5
Russia Nenets	23.8
China South Han	20.8
China Guangzhou	19.9
Ireland Northern	18.6
Swiss Geneva	18.2
Taiwan Bunun	17.8
Ireland South	17.4
Singapore Javanese Indone…	17.0
Philippines Ivatan	16.0
Taiwan Rukai	16.0
Australia New South Wales	15.8
Finland	15.6
Pakistan Sindhi	15.5
Saudi Arabia Guraiat and …	15.2
India Tamil Nadu Nadar	14.8
Japan Central	14.6
Russia Murmansk Saomi	14.0
China Beijing	13.6
China Tibetan	13.3
China Qinghai Hui	13.2
Thailand	13.0
China Inner Mongolia	12.7
Pakistan Brahui	12.5
PNG Wanigela	12.5
Czech Republic	12.3
China North Han	11.9
Taiwan Paiwan	11.8
China Wuhan	11.6
Taiwan Siraya	10.8
Taiwan Ami	10.7
New Caledonia	10.0
India North Delhi	9.9
Australia Indig. Cape Yor…	9.6
Pakistan Pathan	9.5
France West	9.4
Iran Baloch	9.4
German Essen	9.1
Taiwan Puyuma	9.0
India New Delhi	8.9
Pakistan Kalash	8.7
India Mumbai Marathas	8.6
Russia Tuva pop 2	8.6
South Korea (3)	8.3
American Samoa	8.0
France South East	7.2
India West Bhils	7.0
Australia Indig. Yuendumu	6.8
Georgia Tibilisi Georgian…	6.5
Turkey	6.0
Spain Eastern Andalusia	5.5
PNG Wosera	5.4
Pakistan Baloch	4.5
Lebanon	4.1
Israel Arab Druse	4.0
Tunisia	3.6
PNG Eastern Highlands Gor…	3.5
Georgia Tibilisi Kurds	3.4
Morocco 'Berber' Nador Me…	3.2
England London Ashkenazi …	2.9

 

 

HLA-A26

HLA-A26 (A26) is a human leukocyte antigen serotype within HLA-A serotype group. The serotype is determined by the antibody recognition of α26 subset of HLA-A α-chains. This group currently is dominated by A*2601. A26 and A*26 are almost synonymous in meaning. A26 is a split antigen of the broad antigen serotype A10. A26 is a sister serotype of A25, A34, A43, and A66.

A26 is more common in West Pacific Rim (Taiwan to Hokkaido).

 

HLA A*2601 Frequencies

Population	Freq. (%)
Taiwan Taroko	21.8
Taiwan Bunun	19.3
Japan Ainu Hokkaido	17.0
Taiwan Rukai	14.0
USA Hawaii Okinawa	12.4
Georgia Tibilisi Kurds	11.7
Pakistan Baloch	10.3
Oman	10.2
Pakistan Burusho	9.8
Pakistan Karachi Parsi	8.3
China Beijing	8.2
Pakistan Sindhi	8.2
Japan Central	8.1
Pakistan Brahui	8.0
Taiwan Atayal	8.0
India New Delhi	7.6
Bulgaria	7.3
PNG New Britain Rabaul	7.3
Taiwan Hakka	6.4
Georgia Svaneti Svans	6.3
Pakistan Pathan	6.1
American Samoa	6.0
South Korea (3)	6.0
Israel Arab Druse	5.5
Croatia	5.3
Taiwan Saisiat	4.9
Taiwan Tsou	4.9
China Tibetan	4.7
China Qinghai Hui	4.5
Iran Baloch	4.5
Russia Tuva (2)	4.5
France South East	4.3
Portugal North	4.3
India Andhra Pradesh Goll…	4.0
Taiwan Paiwan	3.9
Romanian	3.8
Jordan Amman	3.5
Saudi Arabia Guraiat and …	3.5
China Inner Mongolia	3.4
Georgia Tibilisi Georgian…	3.3
Ireland South	3.0
Singapore Javanese Indone…	3.0
Taiwan Puyuma	3.0
Czech Republic	2.8
Taiwan Pazeh	2.7
PNG Madang	2.5
Singapore Chinese Han	2.3
Australia New South Wales	2.2
China Yunnan Lisu	2.2
China Guangzhou	2.0
Portugal South	2.0
Singapore Riau Malay	2.0
Taiwan Siraya	2.0
India North Hindus	1.9
Ireland Northern	1.8
India North Delhi	1.7
Pakistan Kalash	1.7
Taiwan Thao	1.7
China South Han	1.6
Mongolia Buriat	1.4
Thailand	1.4
New Caledonia	1.2
Finland	1.1
Ch. Guangdong Meizhou H…	1.0

 

 

HLA-B55

HLA-B55 (B55) is an HLA-B serotype. B55 is a split antigen from the B22 broad antigen, sister serotypes are B54 and B56. The serotype identifies the more common HLA-B*55 gene products.

 

HLA B*5502 Frequencies

Population
Taiwan Taroko	14.5
American Samoa	12.0
China Guangxi Maonan	6.0
Japan Ainu Hokkaido	5.0
China Tibet Autonomous Region Tibetans	4.7
Singapore Chinese	3.0
China Beijing Shijiazhuang Tianjian Han	2.9
China North Han	2.9
South Korea (3)	2.7
Hong Kong Chinese	2.2
Japan (5)	2.2
Taiwan Ami	2.0
Thailand (3)	2.0
New Caledonia	1.0
Philippines Ivatan	1.0

____________________________________________________________________________________________

 

Artist: Walis Labai (瓦歷斯．拉拜／吳鼎武)

(Photo from 部落之外: 瓦歷斯‧拉拜及其隱形計畫 by 黃瀞瑩)

 

 

* Sculpture Hall of Kaohsiung Museum of Fine Arts by asia:nz

Walis Labai is a member of the 14th aboriginal tribe in Taiwan—the Sediq tribe—although his father was a Chinese man from Jiangsu Province. Walis Labai received an education heavy in science and technology within mainstream Chinese society, and he did not become interested in his mother's Sediq culture until he went overseas to study art and the humanities. His works retrace his own personal experiences.

 

 

隱形計畫

 

 

* 部落之外: 瓦歷斯‧拉拜及其隱形計畫 by 黃瀞瑩

Excerpt: 「隱隱形人」系列，是瓦歷斯初試啼聲之作；也 是在這次展出後，其藝術表現從原本技術性與視覺取向的電腦軟體、商業設計，轉向以「問題意識（議題取向）」為前導的當代藝術領域，並連帶與台灣原住民藝術發展產生某種關連性。

在「隱形人」系列圖像中，瓦歷斯將日治時代 或台灣早期人類學研究紀錄的原住民生活景象，
以繪圖軟體的「圖章」功能，複製照片裡的景物色料，將當中的身體（人的部份）遮蓋、抹除；並
藉助剪輯軟體將影像進行「淡出（入）」的運作，在展場中透過單槍投影及VCD放映，讓原本作為
一種被攝取的「史料」的肉身形體，隱匿於其原生場域中。與初次發表的「隱形人」相似，在瓦歷
斯的後續創作中，則將具有時間歷程的淡出（入）影像，改造為因應觀者行動而瞬間顯影、空缺的
互動式「光柵片」形式，或肉身形體被模糊、稀釋的「透明人」系列影像輸出。然而，不論是觀者在展場被迫見證某一肉體的緩慢逝去（淡出入過程約二分鐘）、凝固於稀薄狀態中，或因為觀者自身
移動而產生的瞬間變調，這些我們在歷史課本裡熟悉的經典圖像，因瓦歷斯後續處理所生產出的
「缺失」掉、被「稀釋」的區塊，讓觀者在第一時間都必然感受到不甚愉悅的刺痛感。

 

 

* 《山海子民的追尋之路》蒲伏靈境：南島當代藝術 by Kaohsiung Museum of Fine Arts

____________________________________________________________________________________________

 

Musician: Pitero Wukah - 彼得洛‧烏嘎 (廖金生)

(Photo from 「我的生活就是文化」 — 彼得洛•烏嘎)

 

 

* 7月26日太魯閣部落音樂會，呈現太魯閣族樂舞的「單純」 by Taroko National Park

「單純」是太魯閣族樂舞的特色，無論是口簧琴、木琴、歌聲，均無繁複、炫麗的伴奏或旋律，而以單純的音階來呈現。傳統舞蹈也是一樣，簡單的舞步，沒有複雜的視聽效果，以不斷重複的表現方式強化主題。太魯閣族的樂舞有如經過層層過濾，濾掉雜質，呈現最純粹的本質，讓欣賞者從最單純的表現方式中，看見最豐富的文化內涵。
7月26日下午15：30至16：20登場的太魯閣部落音樂會，太魯閣族的音樂人東冬‧侯溫、彼得洛‧烏嘎將以太魯閣族最簡單的傳統樂器來展現太魯閣族的文化與生活樣貌。東冬‧侯溫曾任原舞者學生團員以及優劇場專職團員，並隨團赴多國演出，此次是他首次在部落音樂會中演出，他將以口簧琴吹奏「赴宴」、「詠讚」、「歸來」等曲目，其中「赴宴」是表現呼喚族人來分享獵物。分享是太魯閣族人最珍貴的傳統生活方式之一，過去獵人將獵物帶回部落之後，都會召喚部落族人一起分享，藉由分享不僅凝聚彼此情感，也使部落每個人都能飽足。「詠讚」是以雙簧口簧琴讚詠太魯閣族美麗的紋面。「歸來」則是以超現代的節奏表現祖先在山林如疾風般敏捷。彼得洛‧烏嘎則以獵首笛結合歌聲演出「獵首笛與真正德魯固」。此外，水源社區舞蹈團也將到場演出「山林王子的呼喚」創作舞蹈，邀請大家前來欣賞。

 

 

* 花光所有積蓄 錄下祖宗天籟之音 彼得洛．烏嘎製作太魯閣族音樂錄音 by 游太郎╱秀林

Excerpt: 民國八十一年獲台視五燈獎五度五關的太魯閣族青年彼得洛．烏嘎，這些年來僅靠擔任救生員的微薄收入為生，但在漢人妻子薛國芳的鼓勵下，花光了僅有的兩百萬元積蓄，沒有任何奧援，以六年時間製作了賽德克（太魯閣族）傳統音樂ＣＤ，希望將祖宗的天籟之音完整保留下來。

彼得洛．烏嘎（漢名廖金生）八十一年參加台視五燈獎節目期間，首次有系統地接觸到賽德克音樂和舞蹈，大受感動之餘，溶入現代流行曲目，順利過關斬將獲得五度五關榮譽，但他發現賽德克傳統音樂從日治時代迄今，因政治因素遭到打壓，產生了嚴重的文化斷層，讓他耿耿於懷。他說，八十年間認識了華岡藝校畢業、曾通過英國皇家第八級實力鑑定考試及格的漢族妻子薛國芳，在妻子的協助下，他慢慢有系統地蒐集傳統音樂，兩人更深感年輕一輩少有人欣賞、了解，不但是族群的遺憾，更是本土文化極大的損失。

 

 

* 彼得洛‧烏嘎介紹 by 葛都桑音樂工作室

彼得洛‧烏嘎(Pitero Wukah)─我們口中的Delo，一個一起爬山、游泳、說冷笑話的花蓮德奇塔亞群好朋友。細數Delo的人生，彷彿就是紋面民族顛沛流離的縮影。自小父親早逝，為求生計投靠深山的親戚，未曾接受過主流社會教育。高山叢林與老獵人成為Delo的老師，在大自然的洗禮下長大茁壯。後來由國軍兩棲偵搜單位退役，長期擔任救生員工作。在秋冬救生員工作較不繁忙時，即前往山林狩獵，因為不希望傳統的狩獵文化消失。曾在全國性歌唱競賽中，以其獨特的歌唱方式脫穎而出，成為優勝。儘管如此，Delo質樸依舊，恬適安生，只僅以纹面民族兒女自省，推廣紋面民族文化為己任。或許，你會到東部來，並且有緣遇上Delo─這位延續百年祖訓的現代紋面戰士。

 

 

 

* 扮莫那．魯道 彼得洛很感動 by 田俊雄

Excerpt: 「海角七號」票房破4億元，又榮獲夏威夷電影節劇情片類首獎，導演魏德聖準備續拍「賽德克．巴萊」。在「賽德克．巴萊」預告片中飾演莫那．魯道的彼得洛．烏嘎及族人都對這部片子抱持高度期待。

魏德聖執導「海角七號」電影前4年，自籌資金拍攝「賽德克．巴萊」預告片，探討民族戰爭和信仰衝突，他在花蓮找到原住民音樂工作者彼得洛，飾演抗日英雄莫那．魯道。攝製過程艱辛，經費很快用光。

____________________________________________________________________________________________

 

Map of Taiwanese Aboriginal Tribes